The headline has nothing to do with the current crappy weather. (Cold weather should be illegal.)
January means the greatest spectacle in sports — the NFL playoffs.
The NFL playoffs combine the every-week-counts feel of the regular season with the finality of a lose-and-go-home postseason. That’s something college football and basketball have, but Major League Baseball and the National Basketball Association do not.
(What’s that? The National Hockey League doesn’t have one-and-done either? You mean there’s professional hockey in the U.S.? Shouldn’t they be playing now?)
Consider the 2003 season, when in consecutive weeks the Packers won the NFC North title because Minnesota blew a two-touchdown lead and lost at Arizona …
… and the Packers then beat Seattle in overtime in the first week of the playoffs …
… only to go from the thrill of victory to the agony of defeat one week later:
I’ve been going back and forth all week about Saturday night’s Vikings–Packers game, played six days after the Vikings beat the Packers Sunday to secure a playoff spot.
History indicates a Packer win:
1967: The Los Angeles Rams defeat Green Bay 27–24 in the next to last week of the regular season …
… but two weeks later (in the only playoff game played at Milwaukee County Stadium) the Packers win 28–7:
1993: Detroit beats Green Bay to win the NFC Central title and force the Packers to return to Detroit one week later. The Packers win the important game, though, because of …
2004: Many churches’ Christmas Eve services are augmented by listening to the Packers beat the Vikings 34–31 to win the NFC North. Two weeks later in Green Bay, though, the Vikings beat the Packers 31–17, the last playoff game GM/coach Mike Sherman would coach. (Sherman lost his GM title after the game, and lost his coaching job one season later.)
2009: The Packers beat Arizona 33–7, but when they return one week later for the wild card game, the Cardinals win 51–45 in overtime because the officials don’t know the definition of roughing the passer.
This pattern doesn’t just fit the Packers. Cleveland beat Houston 28–23 at the end of the 1988 season, but six days later back in Cleveland, the Oilers beat the Browns 24–23 in the first round of the AFC playoffs.
So why is that? Some of those games counted more than others. Both the Packers’ and Cardinals’ playoff positions were set, so each team knew they’d be right back at each other a week later. That’s the only possible explanation for how Arizona could score seven points one week and 51 the next. Conversely, the Lions’ and Vikings’ games were for division titles (and thus home playoff games), and Sunday the Vikings had to win for a playoff berth.
It seems counterintuitive to suggest that a team can completely change an unsuccessful approach on one side of the ball to turn one week’s failure into the next week’s success against the same team. But either that is what happened, or the playoff winners played much better once the win-or-go-home games came up.
More recent history suggests a Packer loss Saturday night. The last time the Packers entered the postseason after a loss was in 2002, when the Packers followed a 42–17 loss to the New York Jets with their first home playoff loss in team history, 27–7 to Atlanta. (Which was also a Saturday night game.) Besides the aforementioned 1993, the only other times the Packers won even one playoff game following a season-ending loss was 1982 (after losing to Detroit at the end of the strike season, they beat Atlanta but lost to Dallas in the playoffs) and 1967 (they lost their last two before the aforementioned Rams win, the Ice Bowl and Super Bowl II).
I now wonder if winning the division and getting a home playoff game (or possibly two if you get one of the top two seeds) is really worthwhile. The Packers have won their last three road playoff games (the entire 2010-season postseason, which ended in Super Bowl XLV), but have lost their last two home playoff games, both to the New York Giants (2007 and 2011 seasons). Over the past decade, the Packers are 2–4 at home in the playoffs. And this is a franchise that went 80 years without losing a home playoff game, and had a three-season-long home winning streak.
A few seasons ago, after a Packers home loss, Packer radio announcer Larry McCarren suggested the Packers didn’t have that much home field advantage because Packer fans don’t engage in “mindless noise” during opponent disruption opportunities. The other reasons for the home field advantage fade could be improvements in travel — charter jets, hotels and road food — and stadium facilities for visiting teams. (The NFL frowns upon visiting locker rooms with, say, no hot water in the showers. Or, in the alleged case of the Al Davis-era Oakland Raiders, listening devices.)
Heading into wild card weekend, quarterback Aaron Rodgers is looking to control the tempo of the game and is asking fans to get rowdy.
“Two parts, starting fast. We spotted them 13 points, had three real poor drives to start the game. Then getting our crowd into it. We’re calling on our fans this week to be that 12th man and to be real loud from the get-go. It’s going to be a cold night game. But you win your division so you can get a home playoff game, so we need our fans to be real loud on Saturday and give us that advantage,” said Rodgers.
(Saturday forecast: Mostly cloudy, low 16. Sadly, no snow.)
Again, it’s not just the Packers. NFC number one seed Atlanta lost its last home game. (And as you know, the Falcons’ last home playoff game didn’t go so well from the perspective of Falcons fans.) NFC number two seed San Francisco lost one and tied one home game. (And the 49ers’ last home playoff game also was a loss to the aforementioned Giants. That history won’t be repeated, since the Giants went from Super Bowl XLVI champion to out of the playoffs.) NFC number four seed Washington lost three home games. AFC number one seed Denver lost one home game, and number two seed New England, number three seed Houston and number four seed Baltimore lost two home games each.
What Packers fans learned in the past two seasons is that the regular season and the postseason are separate. I imagine as many people thought the NFC’s sixth seed, which had to win its last two regular-season games just to get into the playoffs, was as likely to win Super Bowl XLV as the NFC’s number one seed, at 15–1, was likely to lose its first postseason game at home.
It seems obvious that defense is more important in the postseason than the regular season. That was proven one season ago, when the team with the best defense among the playoff teams won the Super Bowl. (And, again, missed the playoffs entirely this season.)
It seems obvious that generating turnovers and avoiding your own is more important in the postseason. But to prove that every rule has an exception, there are the 1981 San Francisco 49ers …
… which advanced to their first Super Bowl despite having no running game to speak of and committing six turnovers in the NFC Championship.
Football is about players and execution. The Vikings have probably the best running back in the NFL in Adrian Peterson. The Packers finished 17th in rushing defense. Saturday’s game features the fifth best scoring offense, Green Bay, against the 15th best scoring defense, Minnesota, and the 14th best scoring offense, the Vikings, against the 11th best scoring defense, the Packers.
On the other hand (are you dizzy yet?), the Packers haven’t been playing with a full roster for most of the season. No regular running back, no Greg Jennings, no Jordy Nelson, no Clay Matthews and no Charles Woodson for much of the season. That may strike you as being similar to the Packers’ 2010 season (except that Ryan Grant and Jermichael Finley were lost for the season, not just much of the season), and you know how that season ended. Four of this season’s five Packer losses were by eight or fewer points. So maybe the Packers are better than 11–5.
And the Packers have something no one else has, as This Given Sunday points out by ranking the Packers fourth in the NFL and second in the NFC:
The Niners are tougher but the Packers have a championship quarterback. …
That’s the key for Green Bay. No other quarterback in the NFC playoff picture has had any playoff success.
Tuesday’s disappointing (but not surprising, as you read) Rose Bowl loss to Stanford ended the Barry Alvarez/Bret Bielema era at Camp Randall Stadium.
It did not end, however, the era of UW Marching Band domination. Even non-Wisconsin-based blogs, such as Buzzfeed, are starting to notice:
Wisconsin’s band worked hard to deliver an excellent performance.
Straight lines.
Precision.
Stanford’s band? Well, they do whatever the hell they want. As a “scatter” band, Stanford’s musicians run willy-nilly between formations rather than marching.
The band members are adorned randomly with items such as this helmet of Medusa-like rose snakes.
Or the rainbow wig donned by the highlight of the Rose Bowl, the “Legalize Weed Drummer Boy.”
ZOOM IN.
That guy is not going to march in The Man’s company front, friends. He’s also liable to play the drum part from “White Rabbit” while everyone else is doing the fight song.
Now comes the Gary Andersen era, which brings already high expectations, as the Wisconsin State Journal’s Tom Mulhern reports:
Sixteen of the players who started the game — plus the kicker and punter — are expected to return next season, highlighted by an experienced group of 26 juniors.
While the 8-6 record is a major disappointment for a team that opened the season 12th in both the media and coaches’ polls, this was in some ways a bridge year, ever since former UW coach Bret Bielema started gushing prior to the season about the potential for 2013.
“I know they’re going to be great here next year,” departing offensive coordinator Matt Canada said. “I have no doubt about it. You have nine (starters) coming back on offense. This was the tough year, this was the year to work through a lot of things and a lot of transition.
“They’re moving forward and they’ll have an unbelievable … they’ll have a top offense in the nation with all of the great guys they have coming back and I know a quality staff coming in. They’ll do a great job.” …
Ultimately, this team had some shortcomings and they started at quarterback. The Badgers had 218 rushing yards against the nation’s third-ranked run defense, which came in allowing 87.7 yards per game.
But they weren’t able to make enough plays in the air. …
The Badgers need to significantly upgrade at the receiver position. Junior Jared Abbrederis was the only legitimate threat in the group, and he fell off late in the second half when defenses focused coverages on him. He didn’t have a touchdown in the last eight games and averaged only 40.1 receiving yards in that stretch.
Bielema, who was prone to overstating the abilities of his players, called this his most talented group of tight ends. Junior Jacob Pedersen was named the top tight end in the Big Ten Conference, but the group needs to be more dynamic in the passing game. …
As good as the defense played for most of the season, it needs to produce more turnovers. The Badgers had 15 takeaways — none against Stanford.
The other issues are how quickly the Badgers will adapt to an almost entirely new coaching staff and new schemes on both sides of the ball. That was an issue early this season after replacing six assistant coaches, including a new coordinator in Canada.
Of course, now Andersen is replacing nearly the entire coaching staff. Andersen ran a 3–4 defense at Utah State; I prefer the 3–4 because of its versatility with the linebackers. (As if football coaches care what I think.)
Andersen ran the spread offense at Utah State; Wisconsin’s offense might have more of a spread look, but unless UW finds receivers somewhere, that won’t matter much. But spread formations are not incompatible with successful rushing offenses. Horizontally widening the field puts fewer defenders in the tackle-to-tackle box. UW has used fewer fullback/tailback formations the last few seasons anyway, preferring two or even three tight ends and one running back.
UW needs to be more productive through the air while not losing its ability to pound its opponents on the ground. The template, I think, should be the 2011 Badgers, with Russell Wilson, the best quarterback UW has ever had (yes, based on one season). A quarterback who can run to gain yardage or to extend plays is a quarterback who will cause defensive coordinators sleepless nights. Such quarterbacks often end up assigned to defensive “spies,” whose job is to track and contain the quarterback, and that means one less defensive player for the skill-position players to need to avoid.
Friedman is the author of The World Is Flat, which is the theme of approximately half his columns. Such as “The World Is Flatter“:
Yesterday’s news from Palestine is unbelievable, and it raises questions about whether there might just be light at the end of the tunnel. It is impossible not to be tantalized by the potential of these events to change the course of Palestine’s history. What’s important, however, is that we focus on what this means to the citizens themselves. The current administration seems too caught up in spinning the facts to pay attention to the important effects on daily life. Just call it missing the fields for the wheat.
When thinking about the recent turmoil, it’s important to remember three things: One, people don’t behave like car salesmen, so attempts to treat them as such are a waste of time. Car salesmen never suddenly blow themselves up. Two, Palestine has spent decades torn by civil war and ethnic hatred, so a mindset of peace and stability will seem foreign and strange. And three, capitalism is an extraordinarily powerful idea: If authoritarianism is Palestine’s ironing board, then capitalism is certainly its flowerpot.
When I was in Palestine last month, I was amazed by the people’s basic desire for a stable life, and that tells me two things. It tells me that the citizens of Palestine have no shortage of human capital, and that is a good beginning to grow from. Second, it tells me that people in Palestine are just like people anywhere else on this flat earth of ours.
So what should we do about the chaos in Palestine? Well, it’s easier to start with what we should not do. We should not ignore the problem and pretend it will go away. Beyond that, we need to be careful to nurture the fragile foundations of peace.
What has been going on in Malaysia is truly historic, and it has been on my mind ever since it began. It is impossible not to be tantalized by the potential of these events to change the course of Malaysia’s history. What’s important, however, is that we focus on what this means on the street. The current administration seems too caught up in dissecting the macro-level situation to pay attention to the important effects on daily life. Just call it missing the myths for the lie.
When thinking about the ongoing turmoil, it’s important to remember three things: One, people don’t behave like lemmings, so attempts to treat them as such inevitably look foolish. Lemmings never suddenly shift their course in order to fit with a predetermined set of beliefs. Two, Malaysia has spent decades being batted back and forth between colonial powers, so a mindset of peace and stability will seem foreign and strange. And three, capitalism is an extraordinarily powerful idea: If corruption is Malaysia’s ironing board, then capitalism is certainly its tabletop.
When I was in Malaysia last week, I was amazed by the level of Westernization for such a closed society, and that tells me two things. It tells me that the citizens of Malaysia have no shortage of potential entrepreneurs, and that is a good beginning to grow from. Second, it tells me that people in Malaysia are just like people anywhere else on this flat earth of ours.
Imagine if grassroots activists sat down with ordinary people like you and me and ironed out some real solutions to our capital gains crisis.
With the election season over, maybe you’ve forgotten about capital gains, but I certainly haven’t. It would be easy to forget that the problem even exists, when our headlines are constantly splashed with the violence in Cambodia, the authoritarian crackdown in Burundi and the still-unstable democratic transition in Venezuela. But the capital gains problem is growing, and politicians are more divided than ever. Democrats seem to think that capital gains can just be ignored. Republican politicians like Marco Rubio, on the other hand, seem to think that nonsensical rhetoric will substitute for a argument.
But the Republican party of Marco Rubio is not the Republican party of Teddy Roosevelt. Roosevelt wouldn’t refuse to budge, he’d compromise because he’d understand that the fate of the country, and his own political career, depended on a lasting solution to the problem of capital gains.
Let’s make America for the world what Cape Canaveral was to America: the world’s greatest launching pad. If I had fifteen minutes to pitch my idea to politicians, I’d tell them two things about capital gains. First, there’s no way around the issue unless we’re prepared to spend more: and not just spend more, but spend smarter by investing in the kind of green energy that makes countries succeed. That’s going to require some tax increases as well, but as they say, “Ain’t nothing to it but to do it.”
An interesting thought occurred to me today—what if grassroots activists sat down with ordinary people like you and me and ironed out some real solutions to our health insurance crisis?
With the election season over, maybe you’ve forgotten about health insurance, but I certainly haven’t. It would be easy to forget that the problem even exists, when our headlines are constantly splashed with the violence in Cape Verde, the authoritarian crackdown in Italy and the still-unstable democratic transition in Russia. But the health insurance problem is growing, and politicians are more divided than ever. Republicans seem to think that health insurance can just be ignored. Democratic politicians like Harry Reid, on the other hand, seem to think that nonsensical rhetoric will substitute for a argument.
But the Democratic party of Harry Reid is not the Democratic party of Franklin Roosevelt. FDR wouldn’t just filibuster, he’d break ranks with members of his own party because he’d understand that the fate of the country, and his own political career, depended on a lasting solution to the problem of health insurance.
Let’s make America for the world what Cape Canaveral was to America: the world’s greatest launching pad. If I had fifteen minutes to pitch my idea to politicians, I’d tell them two things about health insurance. First, there’s no way around the issue unless we’re prepared to spend less: and not just spend less, but spend smarter by investing in the kind of national infrastructure that makes countries succeed. That’s going to require some tax cuts as well, but as they say, “When in Rome.”
But Friedman does not limit himself to international commentary. Not when he sees “Obama’s Moment“:
Imagine if academics sat down with ordinary people like you and me and ironed out some real solutions to our same-sex marriage crisis.
With the election season over, maybe you’ve forgotten about same-sex marriage, but I certainly haven’t. It would be easy to forget that the problem even exists, when our headlines are constantly splashed with the violence in Suriname, the authoritarian crackdown in Kosovo and the still-unstable democratic transition in Afghanistan. But the same-sex marriage problem is growing, and politicians are more divided than ever. Democrats seem to think that same-sex marriage can just be ignored. Republican politicians like Mitch McConnell, on the other hand, seem to think that unscientific rhetoric will substitute for a compromise.
But the Republican party of Mitch McConnell is not the Republican party of Lincoln. Lincoln wouldn’t refuse to budge, he’d break ranks with members of his own party because he’d understand that the fate of the country, and his own political career, depended on a lasting solution to the problem of same-sex marriage.
The first rule of holes is that when you’re in one, stop digging. When you’re in three, bring a lot of shovels. If I had fifteen minutes to pitch my idea to politicians, I’d tell them two things about same-sex marriage. First, there’s no way around the issue unless we’re prepared to spend less: and not just spend less, but spend smarter by investing in the kind of human capital that makes countries succeed. That’s going to require some tax cuts as well, but as they say, “Mo’ money mo’ problems.”
Second, I’d tell them to look at China, which all but solved its same-sex marriage crisis over the past decade. When I visited China in 2000, Mbantu, the cabbie who drove me from the airport, couldn’t stop telling me about how he had to take a second job because of the high cost of same-sex marriage. I caught up with Mbantu in Shanghai last year. Thanks to China’s reformed approach toward same-sex marriage, Mbantu has enough money in his pocket to finally be able to afford an apartment for his kids.
It should be appalling that a columnist is so predictable that someone could actually create that kind of website. Maybe it’s time for Friedman to go on another sabbatical to develop some original ideas and insights.
On his first day in office, President Barack Obama promised to “usher in a new era of open government.” Many advocates of federal government transparency, however, believe the Obama administration has went further than his predecessor, George W. Bush, to seal the doors of the federal bureaucracy from public scrutiny.
In 2008, candidate Obama promised to close Gitmo—the U.S. terrorist detention center in Cuba, and claimed, that if elected, his administration would give terrorist suspects trials in civilian courts. The Obama campaign further promised to “revisit” the USA Patriot Act “to ensure that there is real and robust oversight of tools like National Security Letters, sneak-and-peek searches, and the use of the material witness provision.” …
And yesterday, President Obama, who took an oath to uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States, continued to trample on the document by signing an extension of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA).
The only thing “foreign” about this act is its willingness to ignore hundreds of years of judicial and legislative precedents concerning the Fourth Amendment’s prohibitions of unreasonable searches. By extending FISA to 2017, the Orwellian National Security Agency (NSA) will now have access to over 1.7 billion daily text messages, emails, and telephone calls that take place on American soil. …
Meanwhile, most Americans, as long as they have access to their electronic gadgets, seem ambivalent that every Web page they visit, every purchase that they make online or with a credit or debit card, and many of their telephone conversations—if they say one of hundreds of key words—are being secretly recorded and stored in an NSA database.
“If you want a picture of the future,” George Orwell wrote in his book, “1984,” imagine a boot stamping on a human face—forever.”
Unfortunately, the American future is now the present. Whether it is biometric ID (Real ID for those of you in the mainstream media), Iris scans, surveillance cameras throughout the interstate and on light poles and busy intersections, Big Brother is watching, chronicling and storing what you say, where you travel, what you purchase and what you advocate.
Interestingly, there seems to be little public criticism of the cameras. The author quotes a certain outstanding Wisconsin newspaper in a post about surveillance cameras:
Surveillance—particularly security cameras, traffic cams, and squad car traffic video—increasingly plays a role in criminal investigations. One recent example is the Christmas Eve homicide of on-duty Wauwatosa Police Officer Jennifer Sebena. …
According to the criminal complaint, detectives from the Wauwatosa PD gained access to surveillance video from the Wisconsin Department of Transportation’s Statewide Traffic Operations Center—an Orwellian-type facility with access to the stored data from hundreds of surveillance cameras. From a camera mounted on the top of a traffic pole at N. 108th and W. Burleigh Streets, investigators observed a black Toyota Prius with black tire rims traveling westbound on W. Burleigh at 3:45 a.m.—about 35 minutes prior to Officer Sebena’s body being located outside the Tosa fire station just over four miles away. A minute later, the same vehicle was observed on video moving northbound on Hwy. 45 from W. Burleigh Street en route to the Sebena residence. The black Prius matched the description of the vehicle Benjamin Sebena drove to the Wauwatosa PD less than three hours later. …
And the use of surveillance cameras is not limited to large cities or high-profile murder investigations. In the small, southwestern Wisconsin city of Platteville, police have access to three cameras, some of which are disguised as simple street lights.
These “Eyes in the Sky” allow the Platteville PD to enforce quality of life issues, like public urination and vandalism.
While the video in Platteville is typically stored for 30 to 60 days, sources say that data obtained from traffic cams by the Wisconsin DOT’s Statewide Operations Center can be retained for up to 10 years.
Like it or not, as George Orwell said, “Big Brother is watching.”
On Sunday, Congressional negotiators agreed in principle to extend the Farm Bill one year, to prevent, well, Farmageddon, or more specifically Dairypocalypse.
Current farm programs—which consist of massive subsides, price supports and various marketing restrictions—were enacted in 2008 and expire on Dec. 31. That should be cause for rejoicing, except that the system is rigged against consumers and taxpayers.
Instead of Americans enjoying a bounty after the clock runs out, federal farm policy will automatically revert to a farm bill drawn up in 1949. That will compel the Department of Agriculture to roughly double the price supports for dairy and other farm products thanks to a mystical doctrine called “parity.”
The doctrine was concocted by Department of Agriculture economists in the 1920s to “prove” that farmers were entitled to higher prices than the market provided. The official parity calculation was based on the ratio of farm prices to nonfarm prices between 1910 and 1914, the most prosperous non-wartime years for farmers in American history.
If the market price of milk, for example, fell below parity, the Department of Agriculture intervened in markets in various ways to provide a price floor to benefit dairy producers. This mechanism has been in place for generations, gouging taxpayers and consumers, long after full-time farmers became far wealthier than average Americans.
In recent decades parity was disregarded as the primary gauge for most subsidy programs, as even farm-state congressmen conceded it was a nonsensical standard, given the profound changes in the economy since 1914. Yet parity remains on the statute books. And so, if Congress fails to act, the price of milk and other dairy products will soar. Consumers and much of the food industry will get creamed.
Milk now sells for an average $3.53 per gallon nationwide, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics consumer price data. Once parity kicks in the price could quickly soar to $7 a gallon, according to Secretary of Agriculture Tom Vilsack. The USDA could burn through billions of tax dollars buying up dairy products that are unwanted at exorbitant prices.
Farmers will enjoy a brief windfall until consumer demand plummets for their product. Any resulting chaos in the marketplace will almost certainly produce demands for new bailouts of farmers. …
The ultimate absurdity of the “dairy cliff” is that there is no need for federal intervention in dairy markets. The supply and demand for the vast majority of food products made in America function just fine without government price controls. The worst disruptions have perennially occurred for a handful of items such as sugar and corn, as well as dairy products, which are under political protection. Politicians have long exploited these disruptions to help drum up donations to their re-election campaigns.
There is no chance that farm-state congressmen will draw the lesson from the “dairy cliff” that they are unfit to rule American farmers, retailers and consumers. This looming debacle is further proof that the only way to reform farm programs is to abolish them.
But what about milk prices zooming to $7 a gallon? That’s again because of the 1949 parity provision, which clearly needs to be killed as part of any future Farm Bill.
The ironic thing is that there’s little evidence that Wisconsin farmers really benefit from overregulated agriculture. Columnist Tom Still pointed out during a previous Farm Bill debate many years ago that Wisconsin ag would actually benefit from a free market. And ag certainly doesn’t have a free market today.
While you were ringing in the new year, the U.S. Senate was sticking it to you.
All you need to know about the fiscal cliff deal approved by the Senate 89–8 and the House of Representatives 257–167 is that, while it adds $3.9 trillion to the deficit, for every $1 in reduced spending, there will be $41 in increased taxes.
Along with this (from the Associated Press):
Despite grumbling from liberals that Obama had given way too much in the bargaining, only two [Senate] Democrats opposed the measure.
Which means that Democrats got, and Republicans gave up, way too much in the bargaining.
The eight senators who (correctly) voted against this steaming pile of crap included Sen. Mario Rubio (R–Florida), Sen. Mike Lee (R–Utah), and supposed RINO Sen. Charles Grassley (R–Iowa). Reports Newsmax:
Late Monday, Sen. Rubio tweeted: “How can @BarackObama call his proposal a #deficit reduction package if it uses #taxincrease to fund more spending & it increases the #debt.”
Rubio told reporters he “just couldn’t vote for” the compromise.
“I ran for office because I wanted to be a part of solving these big problems, and time and again we’re faced with options here that don’t really do that,” he said.
“The real fiscal cliff is the one that awaits us, and nothing happened tonight to avoid that.”
Sen. Lee, had a similar take, tweeting: “Even the best #fiscalcliff deal will leave 99% of a dysfunctional system intact.”
Grassley said Obama had reneged on campaign promises. He tweeted that “cliff negotiation to now show Obama proposes 600B increased spending paid for by tax wealthy NOT to reduce deficit like election promise.”
One of the Senate eight was not Sen. Ron Johnson (R–Wisconsin). I am unclear how Johnson can (correctly) say this (from PJ Media) …
“It’s an alternate universe. No, this — this place is a joke. I mean, bottom line, this is an absurd process,” Johnson said on CNBC. “It certainly proves the genius of our founding fathers that government should be limited. I mean, the fact that we have this place having such an enormous effect on our economy, on people’s livelihood, is wrong. It’s simply wrong.”
“So, I’m the manufacturer. I’m always looking for the cause of problems. The cause of the problem is that government is far too large. It’s far too intrusive into our lives. It exerts way too much control over our economy, but that’s where we’re at. And, you know, I have no — I don’t know too many people that really think government’s effective or efficient. Why would they think the governing body of that government would be particularly effective or efficient as well?” he continued. “This is a mere symptom of the overall problem in a system of government that has become too large and too intrusive in our lives.” …
The senator also decried the shady negotiations. “We’re here at the end of the year, a couple of elected officials with their unelected staffs, are doing these deals behind closed doors,” he said. “I don’t know what’s happening behind there. Am I all of a sudden going to get a product sometime in the middle of the day and say, ‘you’ve got to vote on it right away’? I mean, that is an absurd process.”
“We’ve turned the Senate from a legislating body into a deal-making body, and that’s just wrong.”
“Although I strongly prefer extension of current tax rates for all Americans, I supported the compromise bill that protects 99% of Wisconsinites from an income tax increase, limits the death tax, and prevents a dramatic increase in milk prices. It is by no means a perfect piece of legislation.
“The revenue raised by this legislation will equal approximately 7% of projected deficits. It is now time for President Obama and his Democrat colleagues to show the American public their plan to close the other 93% of the deficit.
“Our nation’s debt now stands at $16.4 trillion, and has reached its statutory limit. We blew through the $2.1 trillion increase in the debt ceiling granted in August 2011 in only 17 months. This is clearly unsustainable, and President Obama must begin to work with Congress to reduce the size, scope, and cost of government.
“We are mortgaging our children’s future. This is immoral and it must stop.”
Well, this is not how to stop the immoral mortgaging of our children’s future.
The New York Times’ David Brooks is the Times’ idea of a conservative columnist, not necessarily anyone else’s, but he’s more right than wrong here:
By 2025, entitlement spending and debt payments are projected to suck up all federal revenue. Obligations to the elderly are already squeezing programs for the young and the needy. Those obligations will lead to gigantic living standard declines for future generations. According to the International Monetary Fund, meeting America’s long-term obligations will require an immediate and permanent 35 percent increase in all taxes and a 35 percent cut in all benefits.
So except for a few rabid debt-deniers, almost everybody agrees we have to do something fundamental to preserve these programs. The problem is that politicians have never found a politically possible way to begin. Every time they tried to reduce debt, they ended up borrowing more and making everything worse. …
But the proposal is not a balance of taxes and spending cuts. It doesn’t involve a single hard decision. It does little to control spending. It abandons all of the entitlement reform ideas that have been thrown around. It locks in low tax rates on families making less than around $450,000; it is simply impossible to avert catastrophe unless tax increases go below that line.
Far from laying the groundwork for future cooperation, it sentences the country to another few years of budget trench warfare. There will be a fight over drastic spending cuts known as sequestration, then over the debt limit and on and on. …
Ultimately, we should blame the American voters. The average Medicare couple pays $109,000 into the program and gets $343,000 in benefits out, according to the Urban Institute. This is $234,000 in free money. Many voters have decided they like spending a lot on themselves and pushing costs onto their children and grandchildren. They have decided they like borrowing up to $1 trillion a year for tax credits, disability payments, defense contracts and the rest. They have found that the original Keynesian rationale for these deficits provides a perfect cover for permanent deficit-living. They have made it clear that they will destroy any politician who tries to stop them from cost-shifting in this way.
Most members of Congress are responding efficiently to the popular will. A large number of reactionary Democrats reject any measure to touch Medicare or other entitlement programs. A large number of impotent Republicans talk about reducing the debt, but are incapable of forging a deal that balances tax increases with spending cuts.
The events of the past few weeks demonstrate that these political pressures overwhelm the few realists looking for a more ambitious bargain. The country either doesn’t know or doesn’t care about the burdens we are placing on our children. No coalition of leaders has successfully confronted the voters, and made them heedful of the ruin they are bringing upon the nation.
I really cannot understand how Grover Norquist, creator of the no-tax-increase pledge, can say this (from Newsmax):
Grover Norquist, the influential president of Americans for Tax Reform, said he would support a plan, negotiated by Vice President Joe Biden and House Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, to resolve the fiscal cliff drama.
“This is progress in terms of making most of the Bush tax cuts permanent,” Norquist told CNN. “Is it enough? No. Does it do anything on spending? No. But that’s what the next four years are going to be.
“The next four years will be about clawing back the overspending of the Obama years — and now we need to get the spending down,” he added. “The problem is too much spending, not too little taxes, and now we turn our attention to spending cuts.” …
“Two years ago, Obama and the Democratic House and the Democratic Senate extended all the Bush tax cuts for two years,” he began. “The president did it because he said it would hurt the economy not to.
“Now that he is safely in his job, that doesn’t seem to be keeping him up at night — that other people may lose their jobs because of these tax hikes.”
Still, Norquist said he would advise GOP members of the House to also back the Biden-McConnell agreement while looking ahead to the real battle: spending cuts.
“This is not the end of the game. This is the beginning of the game,” he told CNN. “Take the 84 percent of your winnings off the table — we spent 12 years getting the Democrats to cede those tax cuts to the American people — take them off the table.
“Then we go back and argue about making the tax cuts permanent for everyone, and we engage in a four-year, three-yards-and-a-cloud-of-dust fight to cut spending every day,” he added.
Apparently Norquist started his New Year’s party early. Where exactly has the Senate shown the least interest in spending cuts? What Democrat supports any tax cuts at all? (Certainly not Wisconsin’s newest Senate communist in Washington, Tammy Baldwin.)
My estimation of Johnson has dropped considerably in the past 48 hours. Had he real guts, he would have filibustered this disaster or put a hold on it (which any senator can do) until it died. A no vote would have had no political consequence, since 86 other idiots voted for it.
I eagerly await the explanation of Rep. Paul Ryan (R–Janesville) why he voted for it too. At least Rep. Sean Duffy (R–Ashland) voted correctly.
The fact is that the economy is headed into recession this year thanks to the end of the payroll tax cut, regardless of whether the fiscal cliff was avoided or not. Taking money out of everyone’s pockets is not a recipe for economic growth. I could not care less what the stock market does today in reaction; for one thing, investors in the market should be in the market for the long term, not based on what happens in one day, or week, or even year.
The other thing is that tax increases instead of spending cuts is what a majority of voters voted for Nov. 6. It is intellectually dishonest to advocate for tax increases that don’t affect you. And so those who voted for tax increasers should have to live with the consequences of their votes by having their own taxes increased.
Too bad the country won’t drive off the fiscal cliff. Wrecking the economy through tax increases is what people voted for by voting for Barack Obama and other bad incumbents Nov. 6.
The number one album today in 1965 was the soundtrack to “Roustabout”:
Today in 1968, the complete shipment of John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s new album, “Two Virgins,” was confiscated by New Jersey authorities due to the album cover. A revised cover was used in record stores:
The number one album today in 1971 was George Harrison’s “All Things Must Pass”:
Speaking of passing, Wis U.P. North reminds us that today is the anniversary of the 55-mph speed limit, signed into law by Richard Nixon. Never mind Watergate; Nixon should have been impeached for signing this stupid idea into law. There is only one truly irreplaceable, nonrenewable resource — time.
The number one British album today in 2005 was Green Day’s “American Idiot”:
Just two birthdays today: Roger Miller …
… and Chick Churchill, who played guitar for Ten Years After:
Three deaths of note: Tex Ritter, country singer and father of John, in 1974 …
… David Lynch of the Platters in 1981 …
… and guitarist Randy California of Spirit, who drowned while saving his 12-year-old son from a rip tide off Hawaii in 1997: