• Wagons ho!

    July 25, 2014
    media, Wheels

    The Atlantic notices station wagon-like design in non-wagons:

    At one point in America’s automotive history, the station wagon defined the typical modern, middle-class family. For more than 40 years, we trusted it to get us where we needed to go, to haul what needed to be hauled. And when it finally petered out, the station wagon left an indelible imprint on the future of automotive design. Station wagons in America bring to mind the gas-guzzling behemoth glorified in movies like National Lampoon’s Vacation; the unsexy byproduct of American families’ summer road trips; nightmares to teenagers and the rite-of-passage to middle-aged parenthood. But what we’ve come to identify with the station wagon has not always been the case.

    According to Byron Olsen’s book, Station Wagons, the ultimate vacation vehicle is a uniquely American automotive design development with an origin almost as old as the automotive industry itself. …

    After World War II, the era of summer family vacations began as many job benefits expanded to allow more time off. Car ownership became more widespread and new, government-funded highways were being built. Station wagons were there to meet the demand for family trips during the baby boom generation.

    Car companies began making larger wagons—full-sized wagons—with six and nine-passenger seating to accommodate larger families and America’s newfound freedom of mass material consumption in the golden age of tourism. These full-sized wagons had forward-facing and rear-facing third row seats that folded down for hauling luggage, groceries and pretty much anything else, along with two-way and three-way tailgates with retractable windows, along with sliding roof panels, and liftbacks for versatility. Because of the widespread availability of station wagons, and the many different styles in which they were offered, they became a product more for functionality rather than style or status.

    Between the 1950s and the 1970s, the popularity of the station wagon experienced an all-time high in the United States. But by the mid ‘70s, sales declined for a few reasons. The 1973 oil crisis—in which oil prices jumped from $3 a barrel to $12—didn’t help the cost of fueling the mighty V8 engines of these full-sized beasts.

    And then the minivan happened. …

    You don’t see too many station wagons on American roads these days. What you do see among the millions of minivans and SUVS are compact and fuel-efficient, sporty and sleek.

    And they’re no longer called station wagons; rather, they are called sport wagons or crossovers, to avoid the embarrassing stigma of what modern-day parents remember from their childhoods.

    However, were it not for the station wagon, which allowed consumers to have it all—utility, style and drivability—minivans, SUVS and even crossovers might not enjoy the popularity they do today. More than the minivan that replaced it, or the SUV, the station wagon wasn’t just a car; it was the epitome, at least for a while, of what it meant to be a modern American family.

    For the modern American family in a hurry, Jalopnik helpfully compiled a list of the 10 fastest wagons of all time, including …

    10.) Holden HSV Clubsport R8 Tourer

    The Ten Fastest Station Wagons Ever Made

    0-62 mph: 5.8 seconds

    Top Speed: 160 mph

    Available with a supercharged LS3, the HSV Tourer is Australia’s CTS-V Wagon. Only less fancy and more brutal.

    Yes, it should have become a Pontiac.

    9.) Dodge Magnum SRT8

    The Ten Fastest Station Wagons Ever MadeExpand78

    0-62 mph: 5.1 seconds

    Top speed: 169 mph …

    425 hp, 0-60 in 5.1, quarter mile in 13.1, drag limited at 169 mph.Read more

    Probably the fastest per dollar wagon.

    Blue2010SRT:

    A.k.a. the “unicorn” in the LX (Magnum/300/Charger) world. Very rare and still desirable. Good used ones don’t seem to stay on the market long.

    0-60 in mid-high 4 second range with minor bolt-ons. …


    8.) Cadillac CTS-V Sport Wagon

    The Ten Fastest Station Wagons Ever MadeExpand91011

    0-62 mph: 4 seconds

    Top speed: 179 mph12

    Not enough? Ring up John Hennessey. He can make it even less fuel efficient.

    … that doesn’t include, for instance, Paul Newman’s and David Letterman’s Ford V-8-powered Volvo wagons.

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  • Presty the DJ for July 25

    July 25, 2014
    Music

    Today in 1964, the Beatles’ “A Hard Day’s Night” hit number one and stayed there for 14 weeks:

    Today in 1965, Bob Dylan took the stage at the Newport Folk Festival and played with the Paul Butterfield Blues Band. The controversy was that Dylan played electric, not acoustic, guitar.

    Contrary to myth, Dylan didn’t leave after three songs because he was upset at the crowd’s reaction. Dylan left after three songs because those were the only songs the band knew. He did return to play two acoustic songs at the behest of Peter, Paul and Mary.

    Today in 1969, Crosby, Stills and Nash performed at the Fillmore in San Francisco.

    The band asked Neil Young to join them at the end of the concert, and liked the result so much they asked him to join the band.

    Young joined, then quit, then rejoined, then quit. (I am told by someone more conversant than me with CSNY that Young didn’t like merely being a member of the group.)

    The single version of this classic was released today in 1970:

    (more…)

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  • Views from the tax hell

    July 24, 2014
    Wisconsin politics

    Rep. Dale Kooyenga (R–Brookfield):

    Last year many Wisconsin residents celebrated Wisconsin’s first measurable tax cuts in nearly a decade. In addition to cutting taxes, progress was made in simplifying the tax code as evidenced by the elimination of 17 tax credits, downsizing from five to four tax brackets and eliminating Wisconsin’s depreciation schedules in favor of adopting federal standards. In just over two years, Wisconsin went from billions in the red, to cutting both income and property taxes.

    I am pleased we were able to accomplish what we did. At the risk of being the “fly in the punch bowl,” let me state we still have a significant problem. Wisconsin by any measure remains a high tax state.

    The praise received for cutting taxes is notable and fair because it signified a significant change in trajectory. However, we can’t kid ourselves, we still have yet to fully implement a pro-growth tax code. It’s analogous to being proud of your 16 year old son for turning off the television and heading off to clean his bedroom, but his bedroom is still a mess.

    We should celebrate the victories, no matter how small, but we shouldn’t be satisfied with small.

    For example, let’s take a look at our reality versus Illinois.

    In 2010 Illinois raised their 3% flat income tax to 5%. The tax increases were sold as a temporary fix in order to weather the recession. Despite Gov. Patrick Quinn’s efforts to keep the tax increases permanent, the majority of the tax increases will roll back effective January 1, 2015. So in just a few months, Illinois will have an individual income flat tax of 3.7%. Wisconsin has four brackets ranging from 4% to 7.65%.

    There are factors that complicate an apples to apples comparison such as standard deductions, exemptions and certain tax credits, but the stated rates still highlight a significant problem. Illinois’ top tax rate, which are levied on Illinois millionaires, will be higher than Wisconsin’s lowest tax rate levied on low-income working families. Wisconsin’s top rate of 7.65% is more than double the rate of Illinois’ 3.7%. That’s staggering.

    Although we have been cutting taxes, the Republican tax cuts have actually made the Wisconsin tax code more lopsided.

    Since 2012 Wisconsin’s bottom bracket was 4.6% and today the rate is 4%, but the top bracket which was created by Gov. Jim Doyle was only peeled back 0.1% from 7.75% to 7.65%. At this rate, our top bracket will be as low as Illinois’ top rate in 39 years. We can’t afford to wait this long. It’s time to repeal all of Jim Doyle’s tax increases, including the top bracket which he created. …

    Wisconsin did enact substantial tax relief targeted at the manufacturing and agriculture industries and entrepreneurs. As a direct result, it’s a no brainer for Wisconsin agriculture and manufacturing business to invest in Wisconsin.

    However, we need to substantially lower taxes across the board for all Wisconsin taxpayers. It’s time for Republicans to rally around a comprehensive and bold strategy to turbo charge our economy.

    Here are some ideas on how we get there.

    We need to cut expenses. To date, all tax cuts have been paid for by utilizing the growth in receipts from a growing economy. However, there is not a single state without an income tax that spends more per capita than Wisconsin. Second, we need to continue the elimination of certain tax credits and deductions in favor of broad based tax relief.

    The tax code is cluttered with small, special interest carve outs. They need to go.

    Third, as the economy continues to grow the additional revenue should be leveraged to pass additional tax cuts. The tax cuts should be in proportion to the taxes paid. There is no tax cut plan which will shield conservatives from the “tax cuts for the rich,” attack, so let’s go ahead and make the tax code less progressive and more equitable for all. We shouldn’t apologize for putting more money in the hands of the private sector taxpayers who earn the income in the first place.

     

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  • Why no one should run for president

    July 24, 2014
    US politics

    The Washington Post’s Chris Cillizza merits mention on consecutive days:

    Being president is the most powerful job in the world. At which you will almost certainly fail.

    Why? For lots of reasons up to and including:

    * The decline of the bully pulpit as a persuasion mechanism

    * The deep partisanship present not only in Congress but also in the electorate more broadly

    * The splintering of the mainstream media/the rise of social media.

    Consider the last three presidents — two Democrats, one Republican — who have had to deal with those three factors in varying degrees. (Can you imagine what Bill Clinton’s presidency would have been like if Twitter existed?) …

    The arc of Clinton’s presidency is the most different from the other two but that’s largely because of the attempt to impeach him, a move that fundamentally re-shaped his presidency.  The similarities between the Bush presidency and Obama’s tenure are striking in that the trends — rank partisanship, the decline of the bully pulpit — that Clinton had only to grapple with toward the end of his time in office have accelerated exponentially over the past 14 years. And the result has been the same in both cases: A president who a majority of the country disapproves of and a country even more split along ideological lines on, well, everything. …

    [Obama] has struggled to contain self-inflicted wounds — particularly in his second term — ranging from the IRS scandal to the problems of vets receiving adequate and timely care. His relations with Congress — Democrats included — have never been warm and, as a result, his ability to ask for the benefit of the doubt is non-existent. His underestimation of just how polarized the country and the Congress have become was entirely avoidable; senior members of his inner circle — many of whom came directly from the campaign(s) — were all too aware of that reality. His belief in his own powers of persuasion — to the Congress and the country — were also heavily overrated.

    But, it’s hard to see how Obama could be considered “successful” even if he hadn’t made the various mistakes — in governance and the politics of politics — that he did.  His presidency began at a time not only of unprecedented polarization in Congress and the country but also at a moment in which a president’s ability to bend the country to his will had reached a low ebb.

    Cillizza quotes Ronald Brownstein of National Journal:

    Each initially sought the White House promising to bridge the nation’s widening partisan divide. Clinton pledged to transcend “brain-dead policies in both parties” with his “New Democrat” agenda. Bush declared himself a “compassionate conservative” who would govern as “a uniter, not a divider.” Obama emerged with his stirring 2004 Democratic convention speech, evoking the shared aspirations of red and blue America, and took office embodying convergence andBut by this point in their respective second terms, each man faced the stark reality that the country was more divided than it was when he took office. In 1996 and 1997, Clinton reached Washington’s most consequential bipartisan agreements (particularly to reform welfare and balance the budget) since the early 1970s. But by 1998, House Republicans were moving inexorably toward their vote to impeach him.

    Bush enjoyed some bipartisan first-term successes, particularly on education reform. But by this point in his second term, he was fighting with Democrats over the Iraq War and restructuring Social Security, and with House Republicans over reforming immigration. Obama, from his first weeks, has faced unremitting Republican opposition. And, as his shift toward unilateral executive action underscores, he’s increasingly thrown up his hands at the possibility of finding any common ground with the GOP.

    Clinton pursued agreements across party lines more consistently than either Bush or Obama. But this persistent polarization likely owes less to the three men’s specific choices than to structural forces that are increasingly preventing any leader, no matter how well-intentioned, from functioning as more than “the president of half of America.”

    That phrase, coined by Will Marshall, president of the centrist Progressive Policy Institute, aptly describes an environment in which presidents now find it almost impossible to sustain public or legislative support beyond their core coalition.

    That dynamic is partly explained by institutional changes that have transformed Congress into a quasi-parliamentary institution and hindered presidents from building productive partnerships with the opposite party.

    The move by both parties to rely less on seniority and more on votes by their full membership when allocating coveted committee chairmanships has increased pressure on legislators to toe the party line, which almost always discourages cooperation with the other side. The rise of national fundraising networks to bankroll more primary challenges has reinforced that effect: Legislators today are denied renomination for compromising too much, not too little. And the roar of overtly liberal and conservative media has provided each party’s ideological vanguard another powerful cudgel against legislators tempted to stray.

    But these changes only manifest a deeper divide in the public itself. In elections up and down the ballot, each party now relies on voter coalitions that overlap remarkably little with each other in their demography, geography—or priorities. Democrats depend on a coalition that is younger, racially diverse, more secular, and heavily urbanized. Republicans mobilize a mirror-image coalition that is older, more religiously devout, largely nonurban, and preponderantly white. Satisfying one coalition without alienating the other has become daunting, and many activists, especially in the GOP, now see any attempt at compromise between them as capitulation.

    Neither Cillizza nor Brownstein correctly identifies the difference between Clinton and Obama. Perhaps because he was a governor, or perhaps because that was just his personality, Clinton wanted to get things done, and if that meant dealing with the other side, that’s what it took. Obama, perhaps the most arrogant president in our history, doesn’t care about opinions different from his own, apparently even within his own party. (For one thing, Obama, who thinks he’s the smartest person in any room he’s in, failed to learn the lesson of Clinton’s first two years as president, the result of which ushered in six years of Republican control of Congress.)

    There is, however, an instructive past example. Remember Jimmy Carter and his “malaise” speech (which didn’t actually include the word “malaise” in it)?

    Steven Hayward wrote The Age of Reagan, and describes the run-up to the 1980 presidential election:

    The popular historian Barbara Tuchman expressed the thinking of the intellectual elite: “The job of President is too difficult for any single person because of the complexity of the problems and the size of government. Maybe some form of plural executive is needed, such as they have in Switzerland.” U.S. News and World Report wondered: “Perhaps the burdens have become so great that, over time, no President will be judged adequate in the eyes of most voters.”

    Columnist Joseph Kraft wrote on election eve: “As the country goes to the polls in the 47th national election, the Presidency as an institution is in trouble. It has become, as Vice President Mondale said in a recent interview, the ‘fire hydrant of the nation.’ ” Newsweek echoed this sentiment: “The Presidency has in some measure defeated the last five men who have held it—and has persuaded some of the people who served them that it is in danger of becoming a game nobody can win. . . . The job as now constituted is or is becoming impossible, no matter who holds it.”

    Funny how no one was saying that after the Ronald Reagan presidency. On the other hand, as pointed out on Facebook:

    I would disagree with the premise. The presidency is too big a job for the people who are willing to run for the job. Maybe Mitt Romney was the only one with management experience and might have done a decent job, but look at everyone else who ran… some who have limited experience, some who have no relevant experience, and some morons. Where are the really good people? They don’t want to run… its too cruel and nasty and you have to sell your soul to raise money.

     James Taranto remains unconvinced:

    A polarized electorate means that a president’s approval rating has a floor (in Obama’s case a bit below 40%) as well as a ceiling. But in any case, if contemporaneous approval ratings were the measure of presidential success, Truman would be considered a failure and Harding would be on Mount Rushmore.

    The causal factors Cillizza identifies are considerably less novel than he seems to realize. True, the country is ideologically polarized now when compared with recent decades. But it isn’t more polarized than ever. In the 1860s it actually split in two and fought a civil war–and the president at the time is now regarded as one of the greatest (and his predecessor as one of the worst).

    The “mainstream media,” which Cillizza sees in decline, is a relatively recent phenomenon. In past eras, the press was far more partisan than in the decades after World War II. And while it’s true that what we call “social media” are new, innovations in communication are a centuries-old story. “Can you imagine what Bill Clinton’s presidency would have been like if Twitter existed?” Cillizza asks breathlessly. Well, can you imagine what Lincoln’s presidency would have been like if radio existed? How about FDR’s and television, or Reagan’s and the World Wide Web?

    Cillizza’s claims about these trends are purely impressionistic, with no data to back up his assertions. That in itself isn’t necessarily a flaw, but his statements are so imprecise as to be laughable, and ultimately self-contradictory. He writes: “The similarities between the Bush presidency and Obama’s tenure are striking in that the trends–rank partisanship, the decline of the bully pulpit–that Clinton had only to grapple with toward the end of his time in office have accelerated exponentially over the past 14 years.”

    If something is accelerating exponentially, that means not just that its speed is increasing, but that the rate at which its speed is increasing is increasing. In physics, this is called “jerk.” (Think of the way a car jerks when you slam on the gas.) Cillizza seems to be using “exponentially” to mean something like “a lot.”

    Later, however, he informs us that the Obama presidency “began at a time not only of unprecedented polarization in Congress and the country but also at a moment in which a president’s ability to bend the country to his will had reached a low ebb.” Assuming “a president’s ability to bend the country to his will” means the same thing as “the bully pulpit,” Cillizza is claiming it reached a low ebb in 2009 and has continued declining exponentially ever since. That is quite simply nonsense.

    Another question: How do you distinguish between a declining bully pulpit and an inept bully? Cillizza concedes that Obama’s “belief in his own powers of persuasion–to the Congress and the country–were [sic] also heavily overrated.” In the same paragraph, he faults Obama for “his underestimation of just how polarized the country and the Congress have become.” These both seem like shortcomings that would make Obama particularly ill-suited for leadership at this time.

    It’s not impossible that George W. Bush had shortcomings, too. Thus it is preposterous to suggest that because two presidents have failed to live up to Cillizza’s standards of success (whatever they may be), it is impossible, or even “virtually” so, for anyone to do so.

    Taranto quotes the New York Times’ Peter Baker, who wrote …

    “A few months back, Mr. Obama argued that foreign relations is not a chess game,” Baker notes, adding: “But at times, it seems like three-dimensional chess.” Maybe the world would be a bit less disorderly if its lone superpower’s leader were not so simpleminded and soft-headed.

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  • Presty the DJ for July 24

    July 24, 2014
    Music

    Today in 1964, a member of the audience at a Rolling Stones concert in the Empress Ballroom in Blackpool, England, spat upon guitarist Brian Jones, sparking a riot that injured 30 fans and two police officers.

    The Stones were banned from performing in Blackpool until 2008.

    Today in 1965, Bob Dylan released “Like a Rolling Stone,” which is not like said Rolling Stones:

    Today in 1967, the Beatles and other celebrities took out a full-page ad in the London Times calling for the legalization of …

    … marijuana.

    (more…)

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  • Burke’s business Trek

    July 23, 2014
    Wisconsin business, Wisconsin politics

    Yesterday’s news was that the state Republican Party has filed a complaint with the Government Accountability Board for alleged illegal coordination between Mary Burke’s campaign for governor and Trek Bicycle …

    … which is in response to a TV ad:

    I’m not an expert on election law (and who wants to be?), but I think this complaint is going to be punted by the GAB for reasons besides its usual bias against Republicans and conservatives. Notice what’s missing in the ad? The word “Mary.” There is also no criticism or even mention of Gov. Scott Walker’s policies, only the ad.

    There is great irony, of course, in seeing Republicans attack a business. (More about that later.) On the other hand, Collin Roth notices considerable hypocrisy over how the media treated the last statewide candidate with a background in business, U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson, compared with how the media is treating Burke:

    Fairly sure if I asked, I can still get her to give me their definition on command.

    “Her” is Sara Sendek, who was campaign press secretary for Ron Johnson for Senate. “Their” is Industrial Revenue Bonds (IRBs), a form of financing tool cities throughout the country use to lure new start-ups to their towns, and is essentially a business loan since no taxpayer money is used and it is completely paid for by the business using it.

    From nearly her first day on the job until Election Day 2010, the number of press inquiries Sara got about IRBs and a $75,000 rail spur were almost endless. For many in the press, all they ever wanted to know about was IRBs Ron Johnson’s company Pacur took out in the 1970s and 80s, but nothing about deficits the Obama Administration was piling up. Nor did they want to hear anything about Russ Feingold’s voting record or issues in the campaign.

    It was frustrating to say the least.

    What is more frustrating for me though is watching the press rally around presumptive Democratic gubernatorial Mary Burke and Trek in the latest volley of attacks in the race for governor. Instead of asking if there is any truth to what Walker’s campaign is saying about the company’s record of outsourcing while Burke was there, the press is more concerned about why he’s “attacking” a Wisconsin company.

    The most overtly biased of these pieces is by Scott Bauer of the Associated Press, who calls Trek “a respected company” and a true Wisconsin success story. You know, all the red, white and blue, apple pie Americana that’s supposed to encourage pity in the reader for Burke while reading it.

    While no one has little doubt about the humble beginnings of Trek, at issue is not the company, but what Burke did while there. If the press felt in 2010 that a proctologic exam of Pacur was needed, then why are they stopping short on Burke’s years at Trek?

    Like it or not, the Burkes (both Mary and her brother John) opened up Trek to this type of scrutiny when Mary announced her intentions to run for public office beyond the Madison school board. No longer was it just “part of her bio” to get her political appointments (like her stint as Doyle’s Commerce Secretary) or charity work around Madison.

    Trek is part of who she is. That means every deal it has made, how well its employees are compensated, where its plants are located and so on.

    It doesn’t mean, they can hide behind it under a veil of secrecy, nor should the press give it to them. By deciding to run for governor, everything gets examined. For them to think otherwise is to honestly ask if the Burkes were misled upon starting this venture or if members of the media are rooting for a certain outcome.

    If Democrats and the Burke Campaign are willing to film television ads inside Trek manufacturing facilities, then they should be ready to defend its business practices. If Pacur was fair game in 2010 because Ron Johnson ran it, then the same ought to apply to Mary Burke’s years at Trek.

    As you know, there is a considerable bias against business in the media. There is even more bias against people like Johnson, a certified public accountant. Maybe a reporter who doesn’t like his or her employer anyway can be stirred to write something about an entrepreneur who creates something, but no one has anything good to say about accountants, because accountants are the No people in a business, at least from the reporter’s perspective. Accountants are the people who place and enforce limits — there’s not enough money for raises in your department, there’s not enough money to upgrade equipment, and by the way, did you really drive this many miles in the last month?

    None of this is good for the state, by the way. If Republicans were honest about this, and if Mary Burke were not running for governor as a member of the anti-business party, Trek is in fact the kind of business that Republicans would fall all over themselves praising. Instances like this certainly help to convince any business person of what can happen to them if they run for office, and Wisconsin needs more, not less, business people serving in office.

    One question that has yet to be asked, though, is whether Burke’s experience with Trek is actually applicable to the vast majority of Wisconsin businesses, or whether Trek is really representative of Wisconsin businesses.

    A lefty critic of Burke points out that not even 1 percent of Trek’s annual bicycle production takes place in the U.S. On the other hand, the critic adds, in volume Trek is still number one in domestic bicycle production among the high-end bike manufacturers. Apparently Trek and every other bike manufacturer has determined that building bikes in the U.S. is too expensive, which means that bike manufacturers are indeed concerned about production costs, a concept Democrats appear to not grasp. (Despite, by the way, the absurdly weak American dollar, which is supposed to help manufacturers.)

    Trek and its competitors make bicycles for serious bicyclists. I would bet Trek and its competitors therefore make pretty healthy profit margins (and profit is never a bad thing; all those things the ad lists that Trek is able to do are the results of years of profits) because its customers make buying decisions based on the bike’s features and brand reputation, not on price. If you’re looking for a bike because your child suddenly demands a non-one-speed bike, you’re probably not buying a Trek, and if price is an object, you’re not buying a Trek.

    Every Wisconsinite should know that this state has three main business sectors — manufacturing, agriculture, and tourism. High-end manufacturing is a pretty small subset of manufacturing. Most businesses operate on small profit margins, and so production costs are absolutely a major factor in their being able to price their products appropriately to make money and therefore stay in business.

    Which brings to mind Burke’s adamant anti-business agenda from a candidate touting her business background. The only actually pro-business aspect of her agenda is increasing exports, which is a no-brainer. Trek can pay its employees whatever Trek wants, but increasing the minimum wage — which forces every business to pay its minimum-wage employees more — means giving employees money they haven’t earned by working harder or better. Increasing wages increases costs, which forces businesses to reduce costs by, in this case, reducing employment. And there is nary one mention of the two biggest issues businesses face — taxes and regulations — particularly in this state, which has much too much of both.

    Burke’s campaign is a great failed opportunity for Burke to critique her own party’s anti-business history and present, not to mention the Democratic Party’s two biggest support groups — organized labor and teacher unions — in a manner that certainly worked well for Bill Clinton when he was successfully running for president. As I pointed out here yesterday, a debate about business incentives — particularly the business incentives designed to counteract our uncompetitive corporate and personal tax structure — would also be a good thing. Of course, that debate isn’t happening, and isn’t going to happen.

    Burke is basing her candidacy on her business experience, so critiquing her business experience is absolutely legitimate. (Including whether her business experience is typical of a typical Wisconsin business.) Attacking a Wisconsin business because one of its owners is running for governor is not the right thing to do.

    The correct thing for Republicans to say during this campaign (to channel my inner Lyn Nofziger for a moment) is along this line: Trek Bicycle is a great Wisconsin business. Trek has made business decisions over the years that Trek felt was correct for its business. Businesses should have the right to make business decisions based on what they feel is right for their business, not have those decisions made for them by government in areas like wages. The policies Mary Burke espouses would be, in fact, bad for Wisconsin businesses, because they would increase costs (by opposing tax cuts and espousing minimum-wage increases) without making Wisconsin businesses more profitable. And without profit, businesses can do nothing, including pay their employees.

     

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  • From sexism to ageism

    July 23, 2014
    US politics

    The Washington Post’s Chris Cillizza:

    Florida Sen. Marco Rubio called Hillary Clinton old today.

    Ok, he didn’t say exactly that. In an interview with NPR’s “Morning Edition”, Rubio said that Clinton is “a 20th century candidate” who “does not offer an agenda for moving America forward in the 21st century, at least not up till now.”

    The point Rubio is driving at is that Clinton is politics past, not politics future — that her ideas might work well back in the 1990s when her husband was president but that times have changed since then and the Clintons have not changed with them. Implicit in that argument, of course, is that Clinton’s time has passed — that it’s time for a new generation to step forward. (Clinton would be 68 if elected president in 2016; Rubio would be 45.)

    Let’s put aside the age question for a minute — since Rubio isn’t (and probably won’t) explicitly make that argument against Clinton if and when he (and she) run for president. Even without considering age, Rubio has hit on what I believe is the biggest Achilles heel for Clinton in her all-but-announced candidacy: presidential races are always about the future not the past.

    While Clinton will undoubtedly craft a message and a set of policy prescriptions focused on the future, the fact remains that she will be the best known non-incumbent candidate to run for president in modern memory. The fact that Clinton has been in the national spotlight continuously since 1991 is a great advantage at one level for her; people feel like they know her as a competent and capable public figure. But, it’s also a weakness when it comes to trying to package or, more accurately, re-package, Clinton as the best choice to lead the country into the future.

    That seems especially true heading into 2016 given two factors unique to that race.

    1) Opinions of Washington and the politicians who occupy it are at or near record lows. Being part of the first family of Democratic politics — and being so closely associated with Washington — is a worse thing for Clinton now than it was even in 2008.

    2) The Republican field is young. Rubio is 43. So is Ted Cruz. Paul Ryan is 44. Scott Walker is 46. Chris Christie and Rand Paul are both 51. Only Jeb Bush, at 61, is Clinton’s contemporary. …

    Think back to the 2o08 race.  In both the Democratic primary and the general election, then Illinois Sen. Barack Obama effectively made the case that he, not Hillary Clinton and John McCain, represented the future.  It helped his case that he had spent just two years in Washington while McCain, first elected to the House in 1982, and Clinton were long-standing members of the D.C. establishment. It also helped that Obama was 47 years old in 2008 as compared to Clinton, who was 61 and McCain, who was 72.

    Rubio is on to something with the “20th century candidate” attack. Expect to hear much more of it — from him and other Republicans hoping to win the right to run against Clinton in two years time.

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  • Presty the DJ for July 23

    July 23, 2014
    Music

    Today in 1963, high school student Neil Young and his band, the Squires, recorded in a Winnipeg studio a surf instrumental:

    Today in 1965, the Beatles asked for  …

    The number one single — really — today in 1966:

    Today in 1979, Iran’s new ruler, Grand Ayatollah Seyyed Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini, banned rock and roll, an event that inspired a British band:

    (more…)

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  • Commerce or WEDC or …?

    July 22, 2014
    Wisconsin business, Wisconsin politics

    Until Scott Walker became governor, economic development was the province of the state Department of Commerce.

    That model proved flawed in the late 2000s not only because of logic — similar to the Federal Aviation Administration, the same agency that regulated business also promoted business — but because of ineffectiveness. Government is bad at running businesses, and bureaucrats aren’t in business.

    Collin Roth points out the DOC failures during the administration of James Doyle, for whom Mary Burke was Commerce secretary:

    A television ad launched earlier this month from Gov. Walker’s campaign exposed a deal gone bad from 2006 where a company called Abbott Labs was given $12.5 million in taxpayer dollars but failed to develop a vacant lot – or create any jobs. Then-Commerce Secretary Mary Burke approved a deal.

    The story got worse for Burke when the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported that the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) was demanding that the state repay $12.3 million for the failed deal. …

    The Walker team bounced back this week by documenting how Mary Burke’s Trek Bicycle received $875,000 in taxpayer loans in 1995 before closing plants and outsourcing the vast majority of their manufacturing overseas.

    “Mary Burke claims to want to help bring more jobs to Wisconsin, but her own company received taxpayer money and then outsourced jobs to China,” Walker Communications Director Tom Evenson said. “Mary Burke can’t be trusted on jobs and her hypocrisy on the issue is unbelievable.”

    A blistering new television ad accompanied the attack.
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wGhFTBVv5S8

    Trek Bicycle had an answer for the TV ad …

    … which, you’ll notice, doesn’t mention Mary Burke.

    The solution, or so the Walker administration thought, was to create the Wisconsin Economic Development Corp., the statewide model of the numerous regional economic development corporations.

    Yes, but, WKOW-TV in Madison reported …

    In 2011, WEDC awarded Eaton Corp. with up to $1 million in tax credits if the company met job creation and retention goals at its manufacturing facility in Menomonee Falls. WEDC officials say the company has received $190,000 in tax credits so far.

    In April of 2013, Eaton laid off 163 employees at its Cooper Power Systems plant in Pewaukee and announced it was moving those jobs to Mexico. Less than a year later, WEDC awarded Eaton Corp. with up to $1.36 million in additional tax credits for a proposed $54 million expansion at that same Pewaukee plant. But on Wednesday, WEDC Spokesperson Mark Maley told 27 News Eaton Corp. “recently notified WEDC it will not seek any tax credits for this project.

    Eaton Corp. is based in Dublin, Ireland, but has numerous offices and interests in the United Kingdom, United States, Indonesia, Singapore, France, Germany and Mexico.

    WEDC awarded Plexus Corp. of Neenah with tax credits of up to $2 million in 2011 and up to $15 million in 2012. Maley says Plexus has received $4.7 million in tax credits to this point.

    In July of 2012, Plexus announced it was laying off 116 workers from its Neenah facility. The U.S. Department of Labor has since ruled those employees, as well as all Plexus employees laid off since December of 2011, are eligible to receive federal Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) benefits. Those benefits are only available to employees who were laid off because their jobs were outsourced to foreign countries.

    Plexus Corp. did not identify where it relocated those jobs to in 2012, but also has offices and interests in the United Kingdom, China, Germany, Romania, Malaysia and Thailand.

    Is it possible that both approaches are wrong? Roth continues:

    Politics aside, the central theme running through each of these stories is the often misguided and wasteful attempts by the government to use taxpayer dollars to “create jobs.”

    Mary Burke previously served as Jim Doyle’s Commerce Secretary and as Walker’s ad on Abbott Labs reveals, she doesn’t exactly have a perfect record. Furthermore, Burke’s “Invest for Success” jobs plan is chock-full of more government sponsored financing and loans to “industry clusters.”

    Gov. Walker on the other hand dumped the Department of Commerce in favor of the quasi-public Wisconsin Economic Development Corporation (WEDC). WEDC was supposed to be more nimble in helping businesses, but has had a myriad of problems like millions of dollars in “lost” loans and the case of companies taking money and outsourcing jobs.

    Perhaps instead of debating who has lost more public money in failed business ventures, the candidates ought to take a look at the very idea of handing out public dollars to businesses in the first place.

    After all, if conservatives don’t believe government should pick winners and losers, they should act like it. And if conservatives don’t believe government creates jobs – they shouldn’t try.

    So who’s right — Walker or Burke or Roth? The short-term answer is based on the evidence in front of your eyes. No, Walker won’t get close to his 250,000-jobs-created pledge, but jobs are being created, and the state’s unemployment rate is below the nation’s. That was not the case during the Doyle administration, when job losses exceeded the ability to blame them on a bad national economy, and for the first time in many years the state’s unemployment rate was higher than the national average.

    The long-term answer depends in large part on the difference between theory and practice. There are two reasons for government to be active in economic development. The first is, of course, that your neighbors — truthfully, every state and every metropolitan region of any size — are, so you had better be.

    The second reason for government to be active in economic development is to attempt to counteract bad economic policy. The U.S. has the highest corporate income tax rate in the world, and Wisconsin has one of the highest corporate tax rates in the U.S., which means Wisconsin has, adding federal and state taxes, one of the highest corporate tax rates in the world. That is something the Walker administration has done nothing about, by the way, nor has the Obama administration since Japan cut corporate income tax rates to make the U.S. number one.

    The state’s only tax incentive worth mentioning is the Tax Incremental Financing district, in which is more a funding mechanism than a tax break. TIF districts fund construction of infrastructure of a blighted or undeveloped area, with the increased property taxes from the developed property paying for the infrastructure. TIFs are useful for their purpose, though the units of government that get no immediate benefit from TIFs — namely, schools, technical college districts and counties — don’t like them because they don’t get the increased property tax revenue from the improved property until after the project is paid off.

    TIFs, however, don’t overcome the state’s bad business tax structure, including but not limited to corporate income taxes. Businesses organized as subchapter-S corporations aren’t assessed income taxes, but their owners are. Businesses also are assessed personal property taxes on their buildings and equipment, though machinery, equipment and computers are exempt. And if business owners pay high personal income taxes, their high-paid employees pay them too.

    Burke has made the incredible (not as in “I can’t believe you said that!”, but as in the opposite of “credible”) claim that Trek has never considered taxes in making business decisions. Taxes are a major cost of doing business. If Trek was unconcerned with business costs, Trek wouldn’t have outsourced manufacturing of its bikes. (One reason to outsource, by the way, has little to do with taxes — the cost of getting product from manufacturing plant to customer.)

    Wisconsin also is a master at overregulation, thanks to Burke’s own Department of Commerce (now the Department of Regulation and Licensing, and what a business-friendly name that is), Damn Near Russia — I mean, the Department of Natural Resources — and other shining state and local examples of what government does to business instead of for business.

    The business boosters accentuate the positive, of course, pointing to our schools and quality of workforce and life. Several surveys of those who make location decisions indicate that schools and quality of life are far down on the list of criteria for deciding where a business’ next expansion is located if that business isn’t located in this state already.

    As for the workforce, a Wisconsin Taxpayers Alliance report predicts future economic problems due to a shrinking workforce. I am also somewhat surprised that no one has observed the economic damage the Act 10 controversy and Recallarama has done to this state’s economy. It’s not because the purchasing power of government employees has been trimmed by making them pay for some of their employee benefits; it’s because the coast-to-coast video of the protesters may well have given the impression that Wisconsin workers are more concerned about their benefits than actually working.

    The owners of businesses that were created in this state usually decide to stay here for subjective reasons, or because shutting the doors and moving everything elsewhere would be too costly and too disruptive. That probably describes Trek Bicycle, though not entirely, since, again, Trek makes most of its bicycles outside Wisconsin. Such businesses would certainly take tax breaks or tax cuts, but they may not be the deciding factor. Businesses that were not created in this state, and businesses with facilities in Wisconsin and elsewhere (for instance, Abbott, Eaton,  Plexus and Trek) have to be convinced to come here or expand here, and on those objective, bottom-line criteria — particularly in our historically high taxes — when competing against other states with not just lower taxes but more incentives to offer business, Wisconsin usually loses.

    Other than deny the reality of all of this, what would Mary Burke do about that? What would Walker, who hasn’t pushed business tax cuts, do about that? Incentives don’t overcome bad business policy.

     

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  • Presty the DJ for July 22

    July 22, 2014
    Music

    Today in 1965, Rolling Stones Mick Jagger, Keith Richards and Bill Wyman were fined £5 each in London after they were found guilty of “insulting behavior” — to wit, urinating on the wall of a gas station after the owner refused to let them use the bathroom.

    Four years later, Aretha Franklin was arrested for disorderly conduct in a Detroit parking lot. Franklin posted $50 bail, and expressed her opinion of the police by running over a road sign with her car.

    Today in 1972, the Who asked listeners to …

    Today in 1987, a New York jury ruled that singer Morris Albert had plagiarized the 1956 song “Pour Toi” for his “Feelings.” Which brings to mind this question: Why?

    (more…)

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Steve Prestegard.com: The Presteblog

The thoughts of a journalist/libertarian–conservative/Christian husband, father, Eagle Scout and aficionado of obscure rock music. Thoughts herein are only the author’s and not necessarily the opinions of his family, friends, neighbors, church members or past, present or future employers.

  • Steve
    • About, or, Who is this man?
    • Facebook
    • Twitter
    • Adventures in ruralu0026nbsp;inkBack in June 2009, I was driving somewhere through a rural area. And for some reason, I had a flashback to two experiences in my career about that time of year many years ago. In 1988, eight days after graduating from the University of Wisconsin, I started work at the Grant County Herald Independent in Lancaster as a — well, the — reporter. Four years after that, on my 27th birthday, I purchased, with a business partner, the Tri-County Press in Cuba City, my first business venture. Both were experiences about which Wisconsin author Michael Perry might write. I thought about all this after reading a novel, The Deadline, written by a former newspaper editor and publisher. (Now who would write a novel about a weekly newspaper?) As a former newspaper owner, I picked at some of it — why finance a newspaper purchase through the bank if the seller is willing to finance it? Because the mean bank lender is a plot point! — and it is much more interesting than reality, but it is very well written, with a nicely twisting plot, and quite entertaining, again more so than reality. There is something about that first job out of college that makes you remember it perhaps more…
    • Adventures in radioI’ve been in the full-time work world half my life. For that same amount of time I’ve been broadcasting sports as a side interest, something I had wanted to since I started listening to games on radio and watching on TV, and then actually attending games. If you ask someone who’s worked in radio for some time about the late ’70s TV series “WKRP in Cincinnati,” most of them will tell you that, if anything, the series understated how wacky working in radio can be. Perhaps the funniest episode in the history of TV is the “WKRP” episode, based on a true story, about the fictional radio station’s Thanksgiving promotion — throwing live turkeys out of a helicopter under the mistaken belief that, in the words of WKRP owner Arthur Carlson, “As God is my witness, I thought turkeys could fly.” [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ST01bZJPuE0] I’ve never been involved in anything like that. I have announced games from the roofs of press boxes (once on a nice day, and once in 50-mph winds), from a Mississippi River bluff (more on that later), and from the front row of the second balcony of the University of Wisconsin Fieldhouse (great view, but not a place to go if…
    • “Good morning/afternoon/evening, ________ fans …”
    • My biggest storyEarlier this week, while looking for something else, I came upon some of my own work. (I’m going to write a blog someday called “Things I Found While Looking for Something Else.” This is not that blog.) The Grant County Sheriff’s Department, in the county where I used to live, has a tribute page to the two officers in county history who died in the line of duty. One is William Loud, a deputy marshal in Cassville, shot to death by two bank robbers in 1912. The other is Tom Reuter, a Grant County deputy sheriff who was shot to death at the end of his 4 p.m.-to-midnight shift March 18, 1990. Gregory Coulthard, then a 19-year-old farmhand, was convicted of first-degree intentional homicide and is serving a life sentence, with his first eligibility for parole on March 18, 2015, just 3½ years from now. I’ve written a lot over the years. I think this, from my first two years in the full-time journalism world, will go down as the story I remember the most. For journalists, big stories contain a paradox, which was pointed out in CBS-TV’s interview of Andy Rooney on his last “60 Minutes” Sunday. Morley Safer said something along the line…
  • Food and drink
    • The Roesch/Prestegard familyu0026nbsp;cookbookFrom the family cookbook(s) All the families I’m associated with love to eat, so it’s a good thing we enjoy cooking. The first out-of-my-house food memory I have is of my grandmother’s cooking for Christmas or other family occasions. According to my mother, my grandmother had a baked beans recipe that she would make for my mother. Unfortunately, the recipe seems to have  disappeared. Also unfortunately, my early days as a picky, though voluminous, eater meant I missed a lot of those recipes made from such wholesome ingredients as lard and meat fat. I particularly remember a couple of meals that involve my family. The day of Super Bowl XXXI, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and a group of their friends got together to share lots of food and cheer on the Packers to their first NFL title in 29 years. (After which Jannan and I drove to Lambeau Field in the snow,  but that’s another story.) Then, on Dec. 31, 1999, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and Jannan and I (along with Michael in utero) had a one-course-per-hour meal to appropriately end years beginning with the number 1. Unfortunately I can’t remember what we…
    • SkålI was the editor of Marketplace Magazine for 10 years. If I had to point to one thing that demonstrates improved quality of life since I came to Northeast Wisconsin in 1994, it would be … … the growth of breweries and  wineries in Northeast Wisconsin. The former of those two facts makes sense, given our heritage as a brewing state. The latter is less self-evident, since no one thinks of Wisconsin as having a good grape-growing climate. Some snobs claim that apple or cherry wines aren’t really wines at all. But one of the great facets of free enterprise is the opportunity to make your own choice of what food and drink to drink. (At least for now, though some wish to restrict our food and drink choices.) Wisconsin’s historically predominant ethnic group (and our family’s) is German. Our German ancestors did unfortunately bring large government and high taxes with them, but they also brought beer. Europeans brought wine with them, since they came from countries with poor-quality drinking water. Within 50 years of a wave of mid-19th-century German immigration, brewing had become the fifth largest industry in the U.S., according to Maureen Ogle, author of Ambitious Brew: The Story of American Beer. Beer and wine have…
  • Wheels
    • America’s sports carMy birthday in June dawned without a Chevrolet Corvette in front of my house. (The Corvette at the top of the page was featured at the 2007 Greater Milwaukee Auto Show. The copilot is my oldest son, Michael.) Which isn’t surprising. I have three young children, and I have a house with a one-car garage. (Then again, this would be more practical, though a blatant pluck-your-eyes-out violation of the Corvette ethos. Of course, so was this.) The reality is that I’m likely to be able to own a Corvette only if I get a visit from the Corvette Fairy, whose office is next door to the Easter Bunny. (I hope this isn’t foreshadowing: When I interviewed Dave Richter of Valley Corvette for a car enthusiast story in the late great Marketplace Magazine, he said that the most popular Corvette in most fans’ minds was a Corvette built during their days in high school. This would be a problem for me in that I graduated from high school in 1983, when no Corvette was built.) The Corvette is one of those cars whose existence may be difficult to understand within General Motors Corp. The Corvette is what is known as a “halo car,” a car that drives people into showrooms, even if…
    • Barges on fouru0026nbsp;wheelsI originally wrote this in September 2008.  At the Fox Cities Business Expo Tuesday, a Smart car was displayed at the United Way Fox Cities booth. I reported that I once owned a car into which trunk, I believe, the Smart could be placed, with the trunk lid shut. This is said car — a 1975 Chevrolet Caprice coupe (ours was dark red), whose doors are, I believe, longer than the entire Smart. The Caprice, built down Interstate 90 from us Madisonians in Janesville (a neighbor of ours who worked at the plant probably helped put it together) was the flagship of Chevy’s full-size fleet (which included the stripper Bel Air and middle-of-the-road Impala), featuring popular-for-the-time vinyl roofs, better sound insulation, an upgraded cloth interior, rear fender skirts and fancy Caprice badges. The Caprice was 18 feet 1 inch long and weighed 4,300 pounds. For comparison: The midsize Chevrolet of the ear was the Malibu, which was the same approximate size as the Caprice after its 1977 downsizing. The compact Chevrolet of the era was the Nova, which was 200 inches long — four inches longer than a current Cadillac STS. Wikipedia’s entry on the Caprice has this amusing sentence: “As fuel economy became a bigger priority among Americans…
    • Behind the wheel
    • Collecting only dust or rust
    • Coooooooooooupe!
    • Corvettes on the screen
    • The garage of misfit cars
    • 100 years (and one day) of our Chevrolets
    • They built Excitement, sort of, once in a while
    • A wagon by any otheru0026nbsp;nameFirst written in 2008. You will see more don’t-call-them-station-wagons as you drive today. Readers around my age have probably had some experience with a vehicle increasingly rare on the road — the station wagon. If you were a Boy Scout or Girl Scout, or were a member of some kind of youth athletic team, or had a large dog, or had relatives approximately your age, or had friends who needed to be transported somewhere, or had parents who occasionally had to haul (either in the back or in a trailer) more than what could be fit inside a car trunk, you (or, actually, your parents) were the target demographic for the station wagon. “Station wagons came to be like covered wagons — so much family activity happened in those cars,” said Tim Cleary, president of the American Station Wagon Owners Association, in Country Living magazine. Wagons “were used for everything from daily runs to the grocery store to long summer driving trips, and while many men and women might have wanted a fancier or sportier car, a station wagon was something they knew they needed for the family.” The “station wagon” originally was a vehicle with a covered seating area to take people between train stations…
    • Wheels on theu0026nbsp;screenBetween my former and current blogs, I wrote a lot about automobiles and TV and movies. Think of this post as killing two birds (Thunderbirds? Firebirds? Skylarks?) with one stone. Most movies and TV series view cars the same way most people view cars — as A-to-B transportation. (That’s not counting the movies or series where the car is the plot, like the haunted “Christine” or “Knight Rider” or the “Back to the Future” movies.) The philosophy here, of course, is that cars are not merely A-to-B transportation. Which disqualifies most police shows from what you’re about to read, even though I’ve watched more police video than anything else, because police cars are plain Jane vehicles. The highlight in a sense is in the beginning: The car chase in my favorite movie, “Bullitt,” featuring Steve McQueen’s 1968 Ford Mustang against the bad guys’ 1968 Dodge Charger: [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GMc2RdFuOxIu0026amp;fmt=18] One year before that (but I didn’t see this until we got Telemundo on cable a couple of years ago) was a movie called “Operación 67,” featuring (I kid you not) a masked professional wrestler, his unmasked sidekick, and some sort of secret agent plot. (Since I don’t know Spanish and it’s not…
    • While riding in my Cadillac …
  • Entertainments
    • Brass rocksThose who read my former blog last year at this time, or have read this blog over the past months, know that I am a big fan of the rock group Chicago. (Back when they were a rock group and not a singer of sappy ballads, that is.) Since rock music began from elements of country music, jazz and the blues, brass rock would seem a natural subgenre of rock music. A lot of ’50s musical acts had saxophone players, and some played with full orchestras … [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9CPS-WuUKUE] … but it wasn’t until the more-or-less simultaneous appearances of Chicago and Blood Sweat u0026amp; Tears on the musical scene (both groups formed in 1967, both had their first charting singles in 1969, and they had the same producer) that the usual guitar/bass/keyboard/drum grouping was augmented by one or more trumpets, a sax player and a trombone player. While Chicago is my favorite group (but you knew that already), the first brass rock song I remember hearing was BSu0026amp;T’s “Spinning Wheel” — not in its original form, but on “Sesame Street,” accompanied by, yes, a giant spinning wheel. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qi9sLkyhhlE] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OxWSOuNsN20] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9U34uPjz-g] I remember liking Chicago’s “Just You ‘n Me” when it was released as a single, and…
    • Drive and Eat au0026nbsp;RockThe first UW home football game of each season also is the opener for the University of Wisconsin Marching Band, the world’s finest college marching band. (How the UW Band has not gotten the Sudler Trophy, which is to honor the country’s premier college marching bands, is beyond my comprehension.) I know this because I am an alumnus of the UW Band. I played five years (in the last rank of the band, Rank 25, motto: “Where Men Are Tall and Run-On Is Short”), marching in 39 football games at Camp Randall Stadium, the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome in Minneapolis, Michigan Stadium in Ann Arbor, Memorial Stadium at the University of Illinois (worst artificial turf I had ever seen), the University of Nevada–Las Vegas’ Sam Boyd Silver Bowl, the former Dyche Stadium at Northwestern University, five high school fields and, in my one bowl game, Legion Field in Birmingham, Ala., site of the 1984 Hall of Fame Bowl. The UW Band was, without question, the most memorable experience of my college days, and one of the most meaningful experiences of my lifetime. It was the most physical experience of my lifetime, to be sure. Fifteen minutes into my first Registration…
    • Keep on rockin’ in the freeu0026nbsp;worldOne of my first ambitions in communications was to be a radio disc jockey, and to possibly reach the level of the greats I used to listen to from WLS radio in Chicago, which used to be one of the great 50,000-watt AM rock stations of the country, back when they still existed. (Those who are aficionados of that time in music and radio history enjoyed a trip to that wayback machine when WLS a Memorial Day Big 89 Rewind, excerpts of which can be found on their Web site.) My vision was to be WLS’ afternoon DJ, playing the best in rock music between 2 and 6, which meant I wouldn’t have to get up before the crack of dawn to do the morning show, yet have my nights free to do whatever glamorous things big-city DJs did. Then I learned about the realities of radio — low pay, long hours, zero job security — and though I have dabbled in radio sports, I’ve pretty much cured myself of the idea of working in radio, even if, to quote WAPL’s Len Nelson, “You come to work every day just like everybody else does, but we’re playing rock ’n’ roll songs, we’re cuttin’ up.…
    • Monday on the flight line, not Saturday in the park
    • Music to drive by
    • The rock ofu0026nbsp;WisconsinWikipedia begins its item “Music of Wisconsin” thusly: Wisconsin was settled largely by European immigrants in the late 19th century. This immigration led to the popularization of galops, schottisches, waltzes, and, especially, polkas. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yl7wCczgNUc] So when I first sought to write a blog piece about rock musicians from Wisconsin, that seemed like a forlorn venture. Turned out it wasn’t, because when I first wrote about rock musicians from Wisconsin, so many of them that I hadn’t mentioned came up in the first few days that I had to write a second blog entry fixing the omissions of the first. This list is about rock music, so it will not include, for instance, Milwaukee native and Ripon College graduate Al Jarreau, who in addition to having recorded a boatload of music for the jazz and adult contemporary/easy listening fan, also recorded the theme music for the ’80s TV series “Moonlighting.” Nor will it include Milwaukee native Eric Benet, who was for a while known more for his former wife, Halle Berry, than for his music, which includes four number one singles on the Ru0026amp;B charts, “Spend My Life with You” with Tamia, “Hurricane,” “Pretty Baby” and “You’re the Only One.” Nor will it include Wisconsin’s sizable contributions to big…
    • Steve TV: All Steve, All the Time
    • “Super Steve, Man of Action!”
    • Too much TV
    • The worst music of allu0026nbsp;timeThe rock group Jefferson Airplane titled its first greatest-hits compilation “The Worst of Jefferson Airplane.” Rolling Stone magazine was not being ironic when it polled its readers to decide the 10 worst songs of the 1990s. I’m not sure I agree with all of Rolling Stone’s list, but that shouldn’t be surprising; such lists are meant for debate, after all. To determine the “worst,” songs appropriate for the “Vinyl from Hell” segment that used to be on a Madison FM rock station, requires some criteria, which does not include mere overexposure (for instance, “Macarena,” the video of which I find amusing since it looks like two bankers are singing it). Before we go on: Blog posts like this one require multimedia, so if you find a song you hate on this blog, I apologize. These are also songs that I almost never listen to because my sound system has a zero-tolerance policy — if I’m listening to the radio or a CD and I hear a song I don’t like, it’s, to quote Bad Company, gone gone gone. My blonde wife won’t be happy to read that one of her favorite ’90s songs, 4 Non Blondes’ “What’s Up,” starts the list. (However,…
    • “You have the right to remain silent …”
  • Madison
    • Blasts from the Madison media past
    • Blasts from my Madison past
    • Blasts from our Madison past
    • What’s the matter with Madison?
    • Wisconsin – Madison = ?
  • Sports
    • Athletic aesthetics, or “cardinal” vs. “Big Red”
    • Choose your own announcer
    • La Follette state 1982 (u0022It was 30 years ago todayu0022)
    • The North Dakota–Wisconsin Hockey Fight of 1982
    • Packers vs. Brewers
  • Hall of Fame
    • The case(s) against teacher unions
    • The Class of 1983
    • A hairy subject, or face the face
    • It’s worse than you think
    • It’s worse than you think, 2010–11 edition
    • My favorite interview subject of all time
    • Oh look! Rural people!
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