The Republican Party put this on Facebook yesterday:
This is technically incorrect. No secretary-level appointee in state government raises or lowers taxes. You haven’t heard her say she opposed James Doyle’s tax increases, however, have you?
What exactly is Burke’s position on taxes? Apparently it depends on when you ask her:
The GOP is claiming that Mary Burke is attempting to have it both ways on taxes, and it maybe catching up to her. Yesterday, in a attempt to come across as reasonable on taxes, Burke told reporters, “I’m not going to increase taxes on anyone.” 5 hours later Burke showed that she really does plan to increase taxes by saying that she wants electric cars to contribute to the transportation fund. This would be a new tax. Mary Burke’s only stated idea for balancing the $680 million transportation shortfall is to charge people who drive electric cars. This idea directly conflicts with a position she took earlier in the same day.
Mary Burke’s flip-flop last evening came while she spoke on a Telephone Town Hall with the United Food and Commercial Workers of Wisconsin.
This is amusing to me, because I’m guessing most electric car owners probably vote Democrat. That would be like her advocating a tax on bicycles or snowboards.
There is no reason to raise taxes in this state. Period. If you want to have a discussion about reallocating the tax mix, increasing some taxes while decreasing others to reduce the overall net tax take, that’s one thing. But Burke isn’t doing that.
Notice as well what she criticized and what she didn’t criticize when she met with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel editorial board Wednesday:
Burke, who served as Doyle’s commerce secretary for more than two years, criticized Doyle for dipping into the state’s transportation fund to pay for schools. She also lamented several large increases in tuition at University of Wisconsin campuses during Doyle’s time as governor.
“There are certainly things we didn’t see eye to eye on,” Burke said Wednesday during a wide-ranging discussion with editors and reporters of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel.
None of which she can name beyond those two, one of which is obviously politically unpopular.
Correction/addendum: Does the Journal Sentinel not listen to the transcripts of their own interviews? Wisconsin Public Radio did:
“There’s things that I disagree with,” she said. “We look now at the raiding of the transportation fund, and at this point now you have a shortfall in that. You saw large increases in tuition, which were 5 percent increases in tuition. That’s not how we bring down the cost of higher education. So there’s certainly things that we didn’t see eye to eye on.”
Burke also said she did not agree with Doyle’s decision to raise income taxes on the wealthiest Wisconsinites — a noteworthy statement, given that Burke has campaigned against Walker for offering tax breaks to the rich.
OK, so that’s three things, or so she says, not two. But given her previously noted flip-flop, is her statement credible?
It wasn’t the only justification for the Iraq War, but it certainly has often been held up as the biggest. Although it has been claimed before that chemical weapons had been found in Post-Hussein Iraq, due to new documents uncovered by a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, the New York Times is now reporting it in a piece, “The Secret Casualties of Iraq’s Abandoned Chemical Weapons.”
While various news sources had reported the finding before, all assertions that Hussein had chemical weapons in some capacity (weapons-grade or not – they had been hidden from U.N. inspectors) were largely scoffed at as nothing more than supercilious bunk. Well, behold…
The news report from the Times explains the now not-secret revelation that there had been WMDs in Iraq, after all:
From 2004 to 2011, American and American-trained Iraqi troops repeatedly encountered, and on at least six occasions were wounded by, chemical weapons remaining from years earlier in Saddam Hussein’s rule.
In all, American troops secretly reported finding roughly 5,000 chemical warheads, shells or aviation bombs, according to interviews with dozens of participants, Iraqi and American officials, and heavily redacted intelligence documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act.
The NY Times even published a map of all the cases when American military troops were exposed to the formerly ‘non-existent’ weapons of mass destruction:
Graphic via New York Times.
As The Blaze’s Oliver Darcy pointed out, the WMD discoveries were kept partly hidden from Congress.
Retired Army major Jarrod Lampier, who was there when the U.S. military found 2,400 nerve agent rockets in 2006 — the largest chemical weapons discovery of the war – said of the finding’s import, “‘Nothing of significance’ is what I was ordered to say.”
Similar to what the Pentagon is now saying about climate change, because the Obama administration ordered the military to exaggerate something that has absolutely nothing to do with national defense.
Back to Iraq: The other cliché you heard from liberals for nearly a quarter-century is “No Blood for Oil!” Oil is a form of energy. Energy is only the thing that runs everything in an economy, including the military. At no point, during Operation Desert Storm or Operation Enduring Freedom, did I have a problem with the rationale of protecting oil from Saddam Hussein. If OPEC was crushed, I would be one of the happiest people on the planet.
As a kindergarten student a half century ago, I read the same book over and over again, nearly every day. My favorite in our classroom’s little library, it had a title imbued with confidence and promise: You Will Go to the Moon.
Needless to say, I have not done so.
So I sympathize with science-fiction writer Neal Stephenson and venture-capitalist Peter Thiel, whose new books lament the demise of grand 20th-century dreams and the optimistic culture they expressed. “I worry that our inability to match the achievements of the 1960s space program might be symptomatic of a general failure of our society to get big things done,” writes Stephenson in the preface to “Hieroglyph,” a science-fiction anthology hoping “to rekindle grand technological ambitions through the power of storytelling.” In “Zero to One,” a book mostly about startups, Thiel makes the argument that “we have to find our way back to a definite future, and the Western world needs nothing short of a cultural revolution to do it.”
Their concerns about technological malaise are reasonable. As I’ve written here before, “political barriers have in fact made it harder to innovate with atoms than with bits.” It’s depressing to see just about any positive development — a dramatic decline in the need for blood transfusions, for instance — greeted with gloom. (“The trend is wreaking havoc in the blood bank business, forcing a wave of mergers and job cutbacks.”)
When a report about how ground-penetrating radar has mapped huge undiscovered areas of Stonehenge immediately provokes a comment wondering whether the radar endangers the landscape, something has gone seriously wrong with our sense of wonder. “There’s an automatic perception … that everything’s dangerous,” Stephenson mused at a recent event in Los Angeles, citing the Stonehenge example, “and that there’s some cosmic balance at work–that if there’s an advance somewhere it must have a terrible cost. That’s a hard thing to fix, but I think that if we had some more interesting Apollo-like projects or big successes we could point to it might lift that burden that is on people’s minds.”
He’s identified a real problem, but his remedy — “more interesting Apollo-like projects — won’t work. If it did, the baby boomers who grew up with Apollo wouldn’t be so down on progress.
Besides, we have plenty of big projects. The human genome has been sequenced. Enormous libraries of books and collections of paintings and drawings have been scanned and made searchable online. James Turrell is making great monumental art in the Arizona desert. Three — three! — billionaires are running their own space programs. Space is so popular among his peers that Bill Gates, whose own modest goals run to conquering malaria and other tropical scourges, finds himself telling interviewers that “it’s not an area that I’ll be putting money into.” If there’s public malaise about progress, it isn’t because nobody is doing anything bold.
The dystopian science fiction Stephenson’s Project Hieroglyph aims to counter isn’t the cause of our cultural malaise. It’s a symptom. The obstacle to more technological ambitions isn’t our idea of the future. It’s how we think about the present and the past.
Americans in the mid-20th century were not in fact sanguine about the future. Anxieties about the march of technology were common. In February 1961, a statistics-filled Time magazine feature warned that automation was wiping out jobs and, worse, “What worries many job experts more is that automation may prevent the economy from creating enough new jobs.” At least nine episodes of the original “Star Trek” series were about threatening or out-of-control computers. (Still others involved menacing androids or ominous artificial intelligences whose exact nature was vaguely defined.) Movies such as “Colossus: The Forbin Project” (1970) and, of course, “2001: A Space Odyssey” (1968) picked up the scary-computer theme. Nor was the space program as universally popular as we nostalgically imagine. Americans liked the moon race, but only in July 1969 — the month of the moon landing — did a majority deem the Apollo program “worth the cost.”
Meanwhile, back in those good old days people were already voicing worries about technological stagnation that sound a lot like Stephenson’s and Thiel’s. “Before 1913,” Peter Drucker wrote in 1967, economic development “was taken for granted, but since then we’ve apparently gone sterile. And we don’t know how to start it up.” He noted that “with the exception of the plastics industry, the main engines of growth in the past 50 years were already mature or rapidly maturing industries, based on well-known technologies, back in 1913.”
Only information technology, Drucker suggested, might reverse the prospects of stagnation. “One cannot predict what it will lead to, and where and when and how,” he wrote of the computer. “A change as tremendous as this doesn’t just satisfy existing wants, or replace things we are now doing. It creates new wants and makes new things possible.”
We’ve lived to enjoy those unpredictable new wants and possibilities. But hacker hero though he is, Stephenson has begun treating them as incredibly dull and inconsequential compared to the Hoover Dam. The most visible technological progress of our times is, he now seems to think, #borrring. Worse, the Internet and its consequences are supposedly distractions from the important work of building great physical objects.
“What I’m sort of hoping,” Stephenson said at a Technology Review forum in 2012, “is that if we look back on this era 100 years ago, we’ll say, well, it was a very actively inventing and creating society and then the Internet happened and everything got put on hold for a generation while the Internet was kind of absorbed and we figured out what to do with it–and then we got going again and got caught up on the things we failed to do while we were Facebooking”
This attitude is self-defeating. We already have plenty of critics telling us that our creativity and effort are for naught, our pleasures and desires absurd, our civilization wicked and destructive. We live in a culture where condemnatory phrases like “the ecosystems we’ve broken” are throwaway lines, and the top-grossing movie of all time is a heavy-handed science-fiction parable about the evils of technology and exploration. We don’t need Neal Stephenson piling on.
The reason mid-20th-century Americans were optimistic about the future wasn’t that science-fiction writers told cool stories about space travel. Science-fiction glamour in fact worked on only a small slice of the public. (Nobody else in my kindergarten was grabbing for “You Will Go to the Moon.”) People believed the future would be better than the present because they believed the present was better than the past. They constantly heard stories — not speculative, futuristic stories but news stories, fashion stories, real-estate stories, medical stories — that reinforced this belief. They remembered epidemics and rejoiced in vaccines and wonder drugs. They looked back on crowded urban walk-ups and appreciated neat suburban homes. They recalled ironing on sweaty summer days and celebrated air conditioning and wash-and-wear fabrics. They marveled at tiny transistor radios and dreamed of going on airplane trips.
Then the stories changed. For good reasons and bad, more and more Americans stopped believing in what they had once viewed as progress. Plastics became a punch line, convenience foods ridiculous, nature the standard of all things right and good. Freeways destroyed neighborhoods. Urban renewal replaced them with forbidding Brutalist plazas. New subdivisions represented a threat to the landscape rather than the promise of the good life. Too-fast airplanes produced window-rattling sonic booms. Insecticides harmed eagles’ eggs. Exploration meant conquest and brutal exploitation. Little by little, the number of modern offenses grew until we found ourselves in a 21st century where some of the most educated, affluent and culturally influential people in the country are terrified of vaccinating their children. Nothing good, they’ve come to think, comes from disturbing nature.
Optimistic science fiction does not create a belief in technological progress. It reflects it. Stephenson and Thiel are making a big mistake when they propose a vision of the good future that dismisses the everyday pleasures of ordinary people — that, in short, leaves out consumers. This perspective is particularly odd coming from a fiction writer and a businessman whose professional work demonstrates a keen sense of what people will buy. People are justifiably wary of grandiose plans that impose major costs on those who won’t directly reap their benefits. They’re even more wary if they believe that the changes of the past have brought only hardship and destruction. If Stephenson wants to make people more optimistic about the future and more likely to undertake difficult technological challenges, he shouldn’t waste his time writing short stories about two-kilometer-high towers. He should find a way to tell tales about past transformations that don’t require 2,000-plus pages. (I say this as someone who has enjoyed his massive Baroque Cycle of 17th-century historical fiction.)
Storytelling does have the potential to rekindle an ideal of progress. The trick is not to confuse pessimism with sophistication or, conversely, to demand that optimism be naive. The past, like the present and the future, was made by complicated and imperfect people. Recapturing a sense of optimism requires stories that accept the ambiguities of history — and of life — while recognizing genuine improvements.
You may read claims that the National Institutes of Health doesn’t have enough federal money to be able to deal with the Ebola virus, whether or not it becomes a threat in this country beyond now.
The Daily Mail reports on why you should be skeptical (or as the Brits would spell it, sceptical) about those claims:
The $30 billion U.S. National Institutes of Health blamed tightening federal budgets on Monday for its inability to produce an Ebola vaccine, but a review of its grant-making history in the last 10 years has turned up highly unusual research that redirected precious funds away from more conventional public health projects.
The projects included $2.4 million to develop ‘origami’ condoms designed with Japanese folding paper in mind, and $939,000 to find out that male fruit flies prefer to romance younger females because the girl-flies’ hormone levels drop over time.
Other winners of NIH grants consumed $325,000 to learn that marriages are happier when wives calm down more quickly during arguments with their husbands, and $257,000 to make an online game as a companion to first lady Michelle Obama’s White House garden.
The agency also spent $117,000 in taxpayers’ grant dollars to discover that most chimpanzees are right-handed.
The same group of scientists determined, at a cost of $592,000 for NIH, that chimps with the best poop-throwing skills are also the best communicators. But while flinging feces might get another primate’s attention in the wild, they discovered, it’s not much good in captivity. …
Dr. Francis Collins, the head doc at NIH, complained bitterly on Sunday that budget ‘cuts’ were to blame for his agency’s failure to produce a vaccine in time to fend off this year’s Ebola virus epidemic.
Collins blamed a ’10-year slide in research support’ in a Huffington Post interview.
But overall NIH funding sits at $30.15 billion this year – up from $17.84 billion in 2000.
NIAID has seen its budget grow by 220 per cent over the same stretch of years.
It took a different NIH department to see the value in giving a University of Missouri team $548,000 to find out if 30-something partiers feel immature after they binge drink while people in their mid-20s don’t.
‘We interpreted our findings to suggest that, at 25, drinking is more culturally acceptable,’ declared a doctoral student who coordinated the government-funded field work.
A generous $610,000 paid for a 120-nation survey to determine how satisfied people in different countries are with their lives.
A staggering $1.1 million funded research into how athletes perceive their in-game surroundings, including one Purdue University study that discovered golfers can putt 10 per cent better if they imagine the hole is bigger.
And $832,000 went to learn if it was possible to get uncircumcised South African tribesmen into the habit of washing their genitals after having sex.
The Congressional Budget Office, a nonpartisan group that advises federal lawmakers, reported in 2011 that NIH’s funding ‘has grown significantly over the past 15 years,’ including a $10 billion increase solely from President Obama’s 2009 economic stimulus plan.
‘In 2010, over half of all nondefense discretionary spending for health research and development went to NIH,’ CBO noted.
The agency recommended a drastic cut in NIH’s funding, citing a 2009 Government Accountability Office report that ‘found gaps in NIH’s ability’ to keep tabs on what happened to its outgoing grant money.
‘Some costs could probably be reduced or eliminated,’ the CBO concluded, ‘without harming high-priority research.’
One of those candidates might be a $484,000 study to determine if hypnosis can reduce hot flashes in postmenopausal women. If that doesn’t work, NIH also spent $294,000 to try yoga.
This laundry list demonstrates why claims that the government doesn’t have enough money for whatever the bureaucrats or their politicians are requesting …
… should be disbelieved until proven.
It’s not just about spending that should be outrageous to anyone. Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal wrote for Politico about the Centers for Disease Control:
In a paid speech last week, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton attempted to link spending restraints enacted by Congress—and signed into law by President Obama—to the fight against Ebola. Secretary Clinton claimed that the spending reductions mandated under sequestration “are really beginning to hurt,” citing the fight against Ebola: “The CDC [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] is another example on the response to Ebola—they’re working heroically, but they don’t have the resources they used to have.”
Her argument, like those made by others, misses the point. In recent years, the CDC has received significant amounts of funding. Unfortunately, however, many of those funds have been diverted away from programs that can fight infectious diseases, and toward programs far afield from the CDC’s original purpose.
Consider the Prevention and Public Health Fund, a new series of annual mandatory appropriations created by Obamacare. Over the past five years, the CDC has received just under $3 billion in transfers from the fund. Yet only 6 percent—$180 million—of that $3 billion went toward building epidemiology and laboratory capacity. Especially given the agency’s postwar roots as the Communicable Disease Center, one would think that “detecting and responding to infectious diseases and other public health threats” warrants a larger funding commitment.
Instead, the Obama administration has focused the CDC on other priorities. While protecting Americans from infectious diseases received only $180 million from the Prevention Fund, the community transformation grant program received nearly three times as much money—$517.3 million over the same five-year period.
The CDC’s website makes clear the objectives of community transformation grants. The program funds neighborhood interventions like “increasing access to healthy foods by supporting local farmers and developing neighborhood grocery stores,” or “promoting improvements in sidewalks and street lighting to make it safe and easy for people to walk and ride bikes.” Bike lanes and farmer’s markets may indeed help a community—but they would do little to combat dangerous diseases like Ebola, SARS or anthrax. …
But, as the old saying goes, to govern is to choose. Unfortunately, this administration seems intent on not choosing, instead trying to insinuate Washington into every nook and cranny of our lives. It’s a misguided and dangerous gambit, for two reasons. First, a federal government with nearly $18 trillion in debt has no business spending money on non-essential priorities. Second, a government that attempts to do too much will likely excel at little. And the federal government has one duty above all: To protect the health, safety and well-being of its citizens. …
In her speech, Secretary Clinton said, “too often our health care debates are clouded by ideology, rather than illuminated by data.” I couldn’t agree more. But in this case, the data show not that the CDC faced a lack of funding, but misplaced priorities for that funding based on choices made by the Obama administration.
Today in 1971, Rick Nelson was booed at Madison Square Garden in New York when he dared to sing new material at a concert. That prompted him to write …
If I told you the number one British album today in 1983 was “Genesis,” I would have given you the artist and the title:
1.) You have repeatedly said that you will take good job creation ideas from any source, whether they are from a Democrat, Republican or someone else. Can you name a single Republican economic initiative you support and one Democratic economic initiative you oppose?
2.) Act 10 has already saved Wisconsin taxpayers at least $3 billion. If you restore collective bargaining privileges to government employees, how will you replace the lost savings in a manner that holds taxpayers harmless from tax hikes going forward?
3.) What is the role of state government in creating jobs?
4.) Why do you oppose the Manufacturers and Agricultural Production Tax credit, which makes Wisconsin’s two largest business sectors more competitive by encouraging investment in Wisconsin instead of other states?
5.) You are on record of saying that you don’t believe Wisconsin’s tax burden is too high. What taxes would you raise?
6.) You are on record opposing an iron ore mine in the Penokee Hills. If a permit is issued, the mine would create as many as 2,000 high-paying, middle-class jobs in an economically challenged part of the state. What is your specific plan to replace the 2,000 mining and construction jobs in northern Wisconsin with jobs that would also pay an average of $60,000 per year?
I didn’t watch the debate between Burke and Scott Walker Friday night. (Seriously, Wisconsin broadcasters, if you want people to watch debates, think about not scheduling them on high school football Friday nights.) I gather that Burke answered none of those questions, or at least none of them satisfactorily.
Meanwhile, Americans for Prosperity wonders if Burke is correctly representing her own positions:
First, she tried to downplay the Wisconsin recovery by comparing us to other Midwestern States she claims are doing better economically. Two of the states she refers to are Indiana and Michigan. Both states recently passed Right-to-Work legislation and attribute much of their economic recovery to those important changes in law.
Second, she minimizes the benefit of the Walker tax cuts by claiming that it’s “only” $11 per month. I don’t know about you, but any time the government lets me keep more of my money, there is no such thing as “only.”
And what about so many Wisconsinites struggling to make ends meet as a result of mismanagement of the economy by a Doyle-Burke administration and Washington, DC? Seems to me that extra $11 per month would go a long way toward diapers, groceries and clothes for Badger state families.
Is she just claiming that the tax cuts should have been bigger? If so, she’s trying to marginalize Governor Walker’s effort to let hard working families keep more of their money. And if so, she should immediately come out in support of massive, across the board cuts in spending and taxes.
In scrambling to gain traction and legitimacy, Mary Burke is making the conservative case for moving Wisconsin forward.
In her closing statement in Friday night’s debate with Governor Scott Walker, Mary Burke stole a page from the Barack Obama campaign plan in 2008 and promised “a new tone” in politics. “I am also going to set a different tone.”
After taking another swipe at Walker, she added, “I am not only going to change the tone; I’m going to change the system. There is no way that big money and special interests should have a greater voice than you do.”
The atmosphere is unlikely to get better if Burke is elected. It’s not as if Burke is going to walk into the Capitol and the “Capitol singers” will suddenly dissipate instead of continuing their harassment of Republican legislators. Segway Boy Jeremy Ryan will not suddenly become a decent human being.
But if Friday night’s debate performance by Burke is any indication, her election as governor would only make the “tone” of Wisconsin politics worse.
Twice in the debate, Burke referred to a donation by Gogebic Taconite to a private organization as a campaign donation. Burke even claimed that the donation influenced the governor’s decision to support changing mining regulations to make possible an iron mine in northern Wisconsin.
This, of course, is a lie. The money was not donated to a campaign but to another organization supportive of policies that would make Gogebic Taconite’s proposed mine possible, the Wisconsin Club for Growth. But Burke stated that the donation caused Walker to support the mine even though he has publicly stated he did not even know about the donation.
Such a baseless attack on Walker’s character is typical of the Obama strategy of claiming to try to change the tone of politics but is really taking politics to a lower level.
Burke took the demagoguery further when she said that a majority of Wisconsinites would support making such a donation illegal. Is Burke endorsing the repeal of the First Amendment right to free speech? In Burke’s Wisconsin, will the excesses of the John Doe investigation, the pre-dawn raids, the gag orders and the attacks on reputations, receive the official support of the governor’s office?
We shouldn’t be surprised that Burke’s campaign would take this turn. The Democratic Party in Madison that constructed her campaign is steeped in Walker-derangement syndrome. Former spokesman Graeme Zielinski is only a consultant now to Democratic politicians like Chris Abele but the other end of the leash, Democratic Party Chairman Mike Tate, is still there. One of her campaign aides, Paula Zellner, was ticketed after a picket at a home in Racine where a fundraiser was held when, according to the police report, Zellner intimidated elderly attendees.
So when the chairman of the Democratic National Committee Debbie Wasserman Schultz used a domestic violence metaphor, that Walker was showing women the back of his hand, of course Burke could not bring herself to condemn Schultz.
How ironic, but how telling, that the only kind words Burke could find Friday night about Walker – after an embarrassing pause – was to praise his work on domestic violence. That her handlers didn’t prepare her for such a common question is an indication of the sulphuric air the Democrats are breathing in their constant demonization of Walker. They couldn’t think of anything nice to insert into the script they wrote for Burke.
If Burke is elected governor, the left will feel that all of their ugly protests, smears and threats were worth it because it helped drive a Republican governor from office. The only new tone, judging from Friday night’s debate, will be Burke endorsing the ugliness from the office of the governor.
You work hard. You pay what you think is more than enough in taxes. The economy hasn’t really felt good since 2008, but you manage to get by. If you’ve got a 401(k), it’s grown in the past few years — but the real-estate bubble burned you, and the dot-com bubble burned you before that. You know that nice sum in your 401(k) could plummet without warning. What you would really like is a better job, so you could feel better about the amount of income coming in every month.
You’re trying to play all of your roles — worker, parent, sibling, child, friend, neighbor, parishioner, and somehow find time to take care of yourself so you don’t keel over from a heart attack. It’s tough. Time is at a premium. Speaking of which, your insurer announced your premiums are going up again. You’ve been thinking of trading in the old car, but you’re not so sure you could handle new car payments and the higher premiums.
But you get up every day and you take care of everything that needs care, because that’s who you are and what you do. You get it done. You take some pride in that. You look at your loved ones, your friends and neighbors, your colleagues, and you know that they know that they can count on you.
What’s going on with everybody who’s supposed to be protecting us? First Obama says “We don’t have a strategy yet” — why not? Don’t we spend billions, even trillions, on national-security agencies, intelligence agencies, and a Department of Defense? Isn’t somebody in those vast, expensive organizations supposed to come up with a strategy? Then he said “they underestimated what had been taking place in Syria” — isn’t that their job? Wasn’t anybody watching?
How the heck did the federal government AND so many state governments manage to spend so much money and not build insurance-exchange web sites that worked? That was their job.
In your life, failure is not an option. If you don’t pick up the kids from school, they’re stuck there. If you don’t go shop for groceries, the kids don’t eat. All around you, every day, you see things that have to get done, and you do them. You don’t tell the kids, ‘well, our intentions were good. We tried. We had some glitches.” You don’t get to blame your predecessor or the opposition party. You don’t get to tell them, or your spouse, or your boss, that the situation is the same, as normal, and that they’re “just noticing now because of social media.”
Where is this “get it done” attitude in Washington? Every time you turn around, it’s some new excuse. Americans do not accept this kind of incompetence and unaccountability in their personal and professional lives. Why should they accept it from Washington?