• A shot at a Bucks farm team

    June 3, 2016
    Sports, Wisconsin business

    The Oshkosh Northwestern — sorry, “USA Today Network–Wisconsin” — has interesting news:

    Windward Wealth Strategies, an Oshkosh wealth management firm, is competing against other cities to bring a Milwaukee Bucks D-League farm team to Oshkosh. The group has been in talks with the Bucks for about a year.

    If a deal is reached, the basketball club would be the first professional team to play in Oshkosh since the Wisconsin Flyers disbanded in 1987.

    To make it happen, Windward would need to build a 3,500-seat stadium for the team, said Greg Pierce, president of Windward Wealth Strategies. The group is scouting locations for the venue with the Greater Oshkosh Economic Development Corporation (GO-EDC) and the city of Oshkosh.

    Windward, working with local stakeholders, has responded to a Bucks bid for the project and will submit plans at the end of June. The project would be funded entirely with private money at a cost upward of $4 million, Pierce said.

    The chosen city would likely see an economic boost from 24 home games in the dead of winter, when tourism spending drops for many Wisconsin cities, Pierce said.

    “Oshkosh has a long history of supporting basketball,” Oshkosh City Manager Mark Rohloff said during a city council meeting Tuesday. “There’s a lot of excitement that’s being generated because of this.”

    The push to bring a Bucks farm team to Oshkosh comes as the Bucks franchise is working to keep pace with the growing trend of D-League teams in the NBA.

    Since the D-League’s first season in 2001-02, only eight players made the jump from the minors to the big leagues. But last season, 40 percent of pros began their career with a farm club team. Only 11 of 30 NBA teams, including the Bucks, are without a D-League team.

    In a statement to USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin, the Bucks said a farm team would be an important addition, but plans for that are still in the early stages. The team hopes to launch a farm team by fall 2017.

    “While there is no immediate timetable for an announcement, we are excited to learn more about the cities throughout the region that have expressed an interest in welcoming the Bucks’ D-League affiliate to their community,”  the statement said.

    Unlike baseball, NBA D-League teams often drop roots within a short drive of the pro club’s headquarters, though the Bucks also have the option of forming a farm team out-of-state.

    The bucks would likely seek out a D-League site somewhere in Wisconsin to build a fan base outside Milwaukee and Madison, Pierce said.

    The Bucks have not announced the cities that have expressed interest.

    Pierce, though, is confident that his group will beat out plans in other cities.

    “My belief is that Oshkosh is the right fit for a D-League team,” he said. “We are better organized, better funded and have a better plan than other communities.”

    Readers of a certain age may remember the Continental Basketball Association and its Wisconsin Flyers, which played at, from what I am told, in approximate chronological order Oshkosh West High School, UW–Oshkosh’s Kolf Sports Cave — I mean Center, Oshkosh North High School, Neenah High School and Appleton East High School. (The Bucks formerly played “home” games at the UW Fieldhouse and the Dane County Coliseum in Madison when there were Milwaukee Arena conflicts, so having more than one home arena per season isn’t unheard of, though it is certainly not the preferred arrangement.)

    The CBA was not directly tied to the NBA (in fact the CBA predated the NBA), but a number of NBA coaches (including former Bucks coach George Karl, Bulls and Lakers coach Phil Jackson, and Timberwolves coach Flip Saunders) got their coaching starts in the CBA. The CBA also featured the innovation (which didn’t stick elsewhere) of awarding standings points not only for winning games, but for winning quarters, presumably intending to keep fans watching during blowouts.

    (Small world alert: The first year I announced Ripon College games I worked with the Flyers’ former announcer. He had some interesting stories to tell about the Flyers. He also had the grueling task of announcing the road games, because their station didn’t carry home games. Being a road announcing warrior is grueling, as I can attest.)

    Ten years after the Flyers flew to Rochester, Minn., Keary Ecklund of Ecklund Logistics got a franchise, the Wisconsin Blast, in the International Basketball Association, at the same time that Ecklund started the Green Bay Bombers in the Professional Indoor Football League. The Blast played one season at the Brown County Arena and, I believe, one season at UW–Fox Valley. Their first coach was Pat Knight, son of Bob, who I interviewed for a story in my previous life as a business magazine editor. Knight was a good interview, and, I discovered while covering the Blast’s first game, out of print had a vocabulary similar to his father’s. The Blast moved after two seasons to Rapid City, S.D., as the Black Hills Gold, and then moved to Mitchell, S.D., to become the South Dakota Cold (not, sadly, Corn Kings), and then disappeared into the sports franchise afterlife.

    Around the time of the Blast’s founding, there were proposals in the Fox Cities to build a small arena to hold not only a sports team, but such events as the Fox Cities Business Expo (which was at the Tri-County Arena in Neenah, an ice arena). So it’s interesting that this proposal is based in Oshkosh, a smaller area population-wise (and for that matter already possessing an arena that you’d think would be D-League size) than the Fox Cities. The fact I’m writing this should prove that no group in the Fox Cities managed to get its act together to build an arena for the Blast or any other team.

    I wonder how well this is going to work in Oshkosh, if that’s where the D-Bucks end up. Given the Fox Cities’ greater size and lack of a larger college team (Lawrence University is in Appleton, but private NCAA Division III schools obviously have smaller fan bases than UW System schools), that seems a more logical place were it not for the arena issue, and as it is a new arena apparently will be built for the D-Bucks anyway.

     

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  • Presty the DJ for June 3

    June 3, 2016
    Music

    What, you ask, was the number one song on this day in 1972? Your Lincoln dealer is glad you asked:

    Birthdays today include Monty Python’s favorite saxophonist, Boots Randolph:

    Curtis Mayfield:

    (more…)

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  • The Year of the Libertarians, or the libertarians?

    June 2, 2016
    US politics

    You can imagine Nick Gillespie of Reason.com is giddy about the Libertarian Party’s chances this year, but not without some reason:

    And yet…lest we forget, it’s the Republican and Democratic parties that are imploding, with the former group split over a candidate who openly mocks handicapped people, has zero grasp of even the most basic policy issues, and calls for the forcible removal of 12 million (his count) illegal immigrants and their children (even if the kids are actually U.S. citizens). …

    When it comes to the right wing, the elephant in the room isn’t that Trump somehow hijacked or stole the conservative movement and its causes. Rather, it’s that virtually everything he stands for is the fulfillment of precisely what Republicans and conservatives have demanded for decades, just with an added dose of crudeness and less fear of the gays. To the extent that his yammerings make any sense, we know Trump is anti-immigrant, bellicose when it comes foreign policy, and is obsessed with a backward-looking vision of “American greatness.” If he wants to keep Obama’s universal health insurance in place, then he’s what, like Mitt Romney, the 2012 GOP presidential candidate who was not only endorsed by National Review, but is constantly being pushed by The Weekly Standard’s Bill Kristol as a cure to what ails the GOP?

    On the Democratic side of the aisle, things are just as sad, with Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders tripping over each other to denounce Uber, Airbnb, and other avatars of the sharing economy, which is a rare bright spot in a generally sluggish economy. Why? Because such “gig” jobs don’t come with the gold-plated benefits the GM offered during its protectionist heyday in the 1950s or something. Don’t you know that kids are going hungry because we have too many flavors of deodorant? Sanders, whose only play now is to Gillooly Clinton so much that she agrees to raise the minimum wage to $15 rather than her relatively measely $12 per hour. Clinton is a hawk’s hawk who, like Donald Trump (at the same time!) called for censorship of the internet because of Islamic terrorism.

    At each next rally, she recites her resume lines more loudly for the simple reason that despite 25 years in the public eye, she has no discernible vision for the future of the country she so desperately wants to lead. Clinton is anti-trade and has been attacking NAFTA since 2008 or so, when she tried to outflank Barack Obama on the left. She calls Edward Snowden a traitor, has never met a surveillance program or secret presidential kill list she didn’t want to add a few names to, and has the most censorious history of anyone currently running for president. Seriously, look it up.

    And yet…and yet, it’s the Libertarians who are a joke, because despite no funding and help from ballot-access laws and other schemes designed to silence alternative voices, they have somehow managed to nominate two successful, centrist former governors who believe in economic and cultural freedom, that the government is too big and expensive, that overseas interventions should be less frequent than they have been during the past 15 years, that school choice and reproductive choice and legalizing weed are good things…

    Let’s stipulate that however silly Libertarians may be, and however much they might desperately want the future to feature only private sidewalks and for Soylent Green to be purchased exclusively with Bitcoin or Ethereum, they are not as batshit crazy and unhinged as Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, and the two parties and movements they represent. Yes, we libertarians (big L and small l) like comic books and science fiction and have people who show up at national conventions wearing boots on their heads and strip down to thongs and argue over whether such unannounced nudity contravenes the non-aggression principle. Dunno about you, but when I look at a future in which I can be hanging out with the likes of Ted Cruz and Mike Huckabee or Elizabeth Warren and Anthony Weiner or with Vermin Supreme and James Weeks II, I’m happy to choose the latter pair every time.

    I think it’s effectively impossible that Johnson and Weld will win in the fall, but that’s also not the real endgame here either. As I write in a new Daily Beast column, the important thing is to change the general direction in which politics is headed. To the extent that the two major parties are having problems, it’s because of who they are and what they represent. Each of the parties is still locked into a mind-set where its people should control large areas of your everyday life—how you do business, say, or whom you can marry. Those days are over for pragmatic reasons (thanks to technology, it’s easier than ever to route around government and just get on with your life) and to changes in belief systems (we really are a more live-and-let-live nation, thank god).

    Politics is a lagging indicator of where America is headed as a country. For the past half-century or so, we’ve been trending to greater and greater freedom and possibilities of how to live our lives. We are more comfortable with choices about what to eat, whom to marry, where to live, how to learn, how to express our values through our work and social commitments, and so much more. There is a reason why our identification with the two major parties has been falling over that same time frame: The Republicans and Democrats exist only in yesterday’s America and fewer and fewer of us want much to do with such hollowed-visions that only 29 percent identify as Democrats and just 26 percent as Republicans.

    Johnson and Weld and the Libertarians won’t win this time around. Even a post-Kardashian, post-body-shaming America isn’t quite ready for a striptease performed at a national convention.

    But everything they stand for, and that the American people are demanding—more peace around the globe, more choice here at home, the ability to innovate and speak freely—will be absorbed either into both major parties, or by whatever replaces them. …

    You’re welcome to your own world, liberals and conservatives, but sooner or later (and whether you realize it or not), you’ll be living in a libertarian world that is freer, fairer, and more fun than ever.

    That bit about being “freer” and “fairer” certainly seems like a contradiction, and the world certainly is not fun now, nor is it likely to be “more fun” regardless of result in November. I certainly think our country needs more choice here at home and the ability to innovate and speak freely. (Our enemies (and yes, they are our enemies) are not cooperating on the “more peace” part.) It cannot be said that either Democrats or Republicans really support more choice, innovation or free speech.

    Interestingly the Libertarians could be said to be having similar issues as Democrats and Republicans in one area — widespread dissatisfaction with their presidential nominee, former Republican New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson, who strikes many Libertarians as not being very libertarian. London’s left-wing Guardian calls Johnson a “pro-pot Trump,” but consider the source. The non-libertarian National Review notes:

    Like Trump this cycle, Johnson in 2012 proposed cartoonish plans to cut spending. Trump promises to achieve savings of more than 100 percent on various costs; Johnson promised a less radical-sounding, but still implausible, 43 percent budget cut in the first year. Like Trump, he demonstrates no interest in even the vaguest outlines of fiscal policy. Johnson would turn much of the government over to the states and make them make the cuts. Fine. But he showed no interest, either, in detailing the cuts he promised to defense or to the federal court system. His Social Security cuts were on the order of a few percent at most in the first year. No one who seriously wants to cut spending thinks that a 43 percent cut — which would entail costs associated with, for example, closing bases — followed by stasis in subsequent years makes more sense than, say, a 35 percent cut in year one followed by a 15 percent cut in year two. …

    On public financing of political campaigns, the one issue on which Johnson has gone into significant detail, he said in 2012 that he would increase spending. The biggest Libertarian-party message of 2012 was “Vote Libertarian one time.” If the party got 5 percent of the vote in 2012, it would have qualified for public funding for its private political speech in 2016 and would have been the only political party to receive this uniquely anti-libertarian subsidy. (The two major parties raise too much money to qualify for funding for the presidential campaign.) This cycle, Johnson has not addressed the public-funding issue, but he does address the problem of the major parties’ having access to inordinate private funds, aligning himself with Sanders on the larger issue of campaign finance.

    Those of you with keen memories will note, incidentally, the discrepancy between his pro-choice rhetoric in this video and his moderate pro-life rhetoric when in a Republican debate four years ago. His campaign site takes the middle road: It notes the late-term-abortion ban (although not the counseling requirement) that he supported as governor and that he told Republicans about, but those positions are described in the past tense, without any indication of his current position. Whatever you believe the principled libertarian position on abortion is, it probably doesn’t involve telling conservatives that you would increase restrictions and then suggesting to progressives that the practice should be unrestricted.

    On civil liberties as with fiscal issues, Johnson’s record is less libertarian than that of his successors as governor of New Mexico, and even of most other governors and presidents. Bill Richardson, his immediate successor, introduced concealed carry. Susana Martinez succeeded Richardson and got rid of civil-asset forfeiture. Johnson’s successors enacted sound libertarian reforms, including measures against eminent-domain abuse and Johnson’s government involvement in markets. This cycle, Johnson has declared against freedom of association for bakers and florists. Other than supporting drug legalization, in which he has a substantial personal financial interest, there appears to be very little in his record or agenda that National Review readers would find appealing.

    Johnson’s vice presidential candidate is former Republican Massachusetts Gov. William Weld, about whom the same things are being said for different reasons (Second Amendment rights). Still, Libertarians chose Johnson over Austin Petersen, who for some reason called himself the “Bernie Sanders and Barack Obama of the Libertarian Party” as if Libertarians should think that was a good thing, and John McAfee, who would have been even more interesting to watch than Comrade Sanders and Trump’s latest intellectual tantrum. It’s as if the Libertarians picked two center-right governors thinking they would be more electable or something.

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  • Democrats vs. “Democrats”

    June 2, 2016
    US politics

    Comrade Sanders has put the Democratic Party in a bad situation, Matt Rhoades observes:

    During the last few election cycles, Democrats have gleefully watched as the Republican Party ripped itself apart in a battle over ideological purity. But they shouldn’t get too comfortable: Their civil war is upon us, too.

    In 2010 and 2012, divisive Senate primaries led to unpalatable GOP general-election candidates in Nevada, Delaware, Missouri, Indiana and Colorado — all states that could have elected Republican senators and provided a nearly filibuster-proof majority. Democrats laughed as the GOP shot itself in the foot.

    Now, in 2016, I have three words for Democrats: Winter is here. Your party is now locked in a fierce civil war, the populists are at the gate and there are more bloody battles in store.

    In one corner is the Hillary Clinton wing of the party, represented by the liberal establishment in the Acela Corridor. These are the left-of-center party leaders interested only in preserving power.

    In the other is the Elizabeth Warren/Bernie Sanders wing that rose to prominence on the backs of the radical Occupy Wall Street protest movement. Vehemently opposed to American free enterprise, these extremists are fueled by burning left-wing populism and hostility toward capitalism. They demonize success by pitting the so-called “one percent” versus the “99 percent,” and have less interest in governing than they do advancing ideological purity.

    The growing influence of the Warren/Sanders wing of the party is obvious. Despite spending nearly $200 million in the Democratic primary, Clinton has still failed to close out a 74-year-old socialist who doesn’t even comb his hair.

    Even though Clinton will eventually stagger to her party’s nomination, the Democratic civil war is far from over.

    The headlines have been dominated by a widening schism led by enraged Sanders supporters who believe their candidate has been treated unfairly. The clash has also spilled over into key Senate races. In Florida, for example, an explosive altercation between Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid and progressive flamethrower Alan Grayson grew so heated that Reid’s security detail was forced to intervene.

    In Pennsylvania, it took nearly $5 million from the liberal DC establishment to push its candidate for Senate, Katie McGinty, over the finish line against her upstart challengers.

    At the top of the ticket, one major point of contention has been the Democrats’ reliance on the undemocratic superdelegates who have greatly benefited Clinton.

    In mid-May, the type of violence that marked the Occupy Wall Street movement erupted at the Nevada Democratic Convention with competing factions hurling insults, chairs and even death threats at each other. By mid-week, the Nevada Democratic Party formally filed a complaint charging the Sanders campaign with “fomenting violence.”

    In an extraordinary turn of events, Sanders endorsed and even fundraised for the populist primary challenger to DNC Chairwoman Debbie Wasserman Schultz, a controversial figure who co-chaired Clinton’s 2008 presidential bid and has faced accusations of rigging the system for her in 2016.

    As the populists take over, the establishment faces a choice: acquiesce or fight for the heart and soul of their party. Clinton’s pick for vice president will provide an indication of which direction she intends to take.

    If she names Warren as her running mate, it would be a clear signal the keys have been turned over to the populists. The Occupy Wall Street crowd that began at Zuccotti Park five years ago will now potentially be one heartbeat away from leading the free world.

    Even if Warren is passed over, she and her acolytes will have left a permanent mark on Clinton and her party. Under constant pressure, Clinton has lurched leftward on a host of hot-button issues like trade, criminal justice, energy and her views toward the financial services industry. Clinton limps out of the bitter Democratic primary a far different candidate than when she entered last April.

    That battle has already come to Wisconsin. U.S. Rep. Ron Kind (D-La Crosse) has no Republican opponent, but he does have a Democratic opponent, Myron Buchholz, who says he identifies with Sanders. Two Democratic state senators, Sens. Julie Lassa (D-Stevens Point) and Lena Taylor (D-Milwaukee), have unexpected primary opponents. The deadline for filing for candidacy for the Nov. 8 election was Tuesday, and as the days go by we will know more about how many Democratic candidates are aligning with Sanders and not the Democratic establishment.

    Sanders’ unexpected success comes with a downside for Sanders and his supporters (who if they are voting for Democrats and are not first-time-eligible voters are not really Democrats). Since he won’t get the Democratic nomination, how much compromise can Sanders supporters accept? Clinton is wrong on most positions, but she is at least mainstream wrong, instead of somewhere-toward-Pluto wrong as the communist from Vermont is. If Sanders doesn’t run as a third-party candidate, his run for president will have been proven a fraud. If Clinton lurches more toward socialism than she already is in order to get Sanders votes, she will prove herself to be a fraud.

     

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  • Presty the DJ for June 2

    June 2, 2016
    Music

    Today in 1958, Alan Freed joined WABC radio in New York, one of the great 50,000-watt rock stations of the AM era.

    Birthdays include Captain Beefheart, known to his parents as Del Simmons:

    Charles Miller, flutist and saxophonist for War:

    One of Gladys Knight’s Pips, William Guest:

    (more…)

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  • Why Trump is gaining on #NeverHillary

    June 1, 2016
    US politics

    Peggy Noonan:

    The most interesting thing Donald Trump has said recently isn’t his taunting of Hillary Clinton, it’s his comment to Bloomberg’s Joshua Green. Mr. Green writes: “Many politicians, Trump told me, had privately confessed to being amazed that his policies, and his lacerating criticism of party leaders, had proved such potent electoral medicine.” Mr. Trump seemed to “intuit,” Mr. Green writes, that standard Republican dogma on entitlements and immigration no longer holds sway with large swaths of the party electorate. Mr. Trump says he sees his supporters as part of “a movement.”

    What, Mr. Green asked, would the party look like in five years? “Love the question,” Mr. Trump replied. “Five, 10 years from now—different party. You’re going to have a worker’s party. A party of people that haven’t had a real wage increase in 18 years.”

    My impression on reading this was that Mr. Trump is seeing it as a party of regular people, as the Democratic Party was when I was a child and the Republican Party when I was a young woman.

    This is the first thing I’ve seen that suggests Mr. Trump is ideologically conscious of what he’s doing. It’s not just ego and orange hair, he suggests, it’s politically intentional.

    It invites many questions. Movements require troops—not only supporters on the ground, but an army of enthusiastic elected officials and activists. Mr. Trump doesn’t have that army. Washington hates what he stands for and detests the idea he represents policy change. GOP elites will have to start thinking about two things: the rock-bottom purpose of the party and the content, in 2016, of a conservatism reflective of and responsive to this moment and the next. This will be necessary whatever happens to Mr. Trump, because big parts of the base are speaking through him. It is no surprise so many D.C. conservatives are hissing, screeching and taking names. They’re in the middle of something epochal that they did not expect. They’re lost.

    To another part of the Trump phenomenon that does not involve policy, exactly:

    When Mr. Trump went after Mrs. Clinton over her husband’s terrible treatment of women—she was his “unbelievably nasty, mean enabler”—my first thought was: Man, I thought it was supposed to get bloody in October. This is May—where will we wind up? But I was struck that no friend on the left seemed shocked or appalled. A few on the right were delighted, and some unsure. Isn’t this the sort of thing that’s supposed to turn women off and make Hillary look like a victim?

    But so far Mr. Trump’s numbers seem to be edging up.

    I was surprised that if Mr. Trump was going to go there early, he didn’t focus on a central political depredation of the Clinton wars. That was after Mrs. Clinton learned of the Monica scandal and did not step back, claiming a legitimate veil of personal privacy—after all, it was not she who had been accused of terrible Oval Office behavior—but came forward on “Today” as an aggressor. Knowing her husband’s history, knowing his sickness, having every reason to believe the charges were true, she attacked her husband’s critics, in a particular way: “The great story here . . . is this vast right-wing conspiracy that has been conspiring against my husband since the day he announced for president. . . . Some folks are gonna have a lot to answer for.”

    She was speaking this way about conservatives, half or more of the country. At a charged moment she took a personal humiliation and turned it into a political weapon, which further divided the nation, pitching left against right. She did this because her first instinct is always war. If you have to divide the country to protect your position by all means divide the country. It was unprotective of the country, and so unpatriotic.

    The lack of backlash against Mr. Trump’s attacks on Mrs. Clinton, though, I suspect is due to something else. It’s that the subject matter really comes down to one word: decadence. People right now will respect a political leader who will name and define what they themselves see as the utter decadence of Washington.

    I don’t mean that they watch “Scandal” and “House of Cards” and think those shows are a slightly over-the-top version of reality, though they do. Now and then I meet a young person who, finding I’d worked in a White House, asks, half-humorously and I swear half-curiously, if I ever saw anyone kill a reporter by throwing her under a train. I say I knew people who would have liked to but no, train-station murders weren’t really a thing then. (Someday cultural historians will wonder if the lowered political standards that mark this year were at all connected to our national habit of watching mass entertainment in which our elites are presented as high-functioning psychopaths. Yes, that may have contributed to a certain lowering of real-world standards.)

    But the real decadence Americans see when they look at Washington is an utterly decadent system. Just one famous example from the past few years:

    A high official in the IRS named Lois Lernertargets those she finds politically hateful. IRS officials are in the White House a lot, which oddly enough finds the same people hateful. News of the IRS targeting is about to break because an inspector general is on the case, so Ms. Lerner plants a question at a conference, answers with a rehearsed lie, tries to pin the scandal on workers in a cubicle farm in Cincinnati, lies some more, gets called into Congress, takes the Fifth—and then retires with full pension and benefits, bonuses intact. Taxpayers will be footing the bill for years for the woman who in some cases targeted them, and blew up the reputation of the IRS.

    Why wouldn’t Americans think the system is rigged?

    This is Washington in our era: a place not so much of personal as of civic decadence, where the Lois Lerner always gets away with it.

    Which brings us to the State Department Office of Inspector General’s report involving Hillary Clinton’s emails. It reveals one big thing: Almost everything she has said publicly about her private server was a lie. She lied brazenly, coolly, as one who is practiced in lying would, as one who always gets away with it could.

    No, she was not given legal approval to conduct her business on the server. She was not given the impression it was fine. She did not comply with rules on storage and archiving. Her own office told U.S. diplomats personal email accounts could be compromised and they must avoid using them for official business. She was informed of a dramatic increase in hacking attempts on personal accounts. Professionals who raised concerns about her private server were told not to speak of it again.

    It is widely assumed that Mrs. Clinton will pay no price for misbehavior because the Democratic president’s Justice Department is not going to proceed with charges against the likely Democratic presidential nominee.

    This is what everyone thinks, and not only because they watch “Scandal.” Because they watch the news.

    That is the civic decadence they want to see blown up. And there’s this orange-colored bomb . . .

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  • Why don’t YOU run?

    June 1, 2016
    US politics

    James Taranto:

    Since the 1980s Hugh Romney has been waging a campaign for president, though not on his own behalf. Romney, an entertainer better known by the stage name “Wavy Gravy,” is the man behind Nobody for President, described in a 1988 Reuters dispatch quoted by this column four years ago this week:

    The signs sprouting in the crowd were a little different from the usual campaign fare: “Nobody is Perfect,” “Nobody Cares About the Homeless,” and “Nobody Bakes Better Apple Pie than Mom.”

    Bumper stickers were selling out fast. “U.S. Out of North America: Nobody for President in 1988” appeared to be the most popular.

    Meanwhile, The Wall Street Journal reports that Mitt Romney, no relation, is waging an “increasingly lonely challenge to Donald Trump,” the presumptive Republican presidential nominee. No, this Romney isn’t running for president either, though he’s done so twice before:

    Mr. Romney, 69, wasn’t worried when Mr. Trump joined the race in June, believing the 16 other Republicans made up a “very capable, well-experienced, very deep field.” Along with other politicians, he expected the businessman to implode after his pronouncement attacking illegal immigrants. . . .

    Conservative stalwarts [have] revived a push for a third-party candidate, with a keen interest in Mr. Romney. “I made it clear I’m not running,” he said.

    So the “challenge” consists merely of speaking against Trump, and it’s not clear he’ll even keep that up:

    At his oceanfront home, Mr. Romney said he didn’t expect to criticize Mr. Trump further but wouldn’t rule it out.“I know that some people are offended that someone who lost and is the former nominee continues to speak, but that’s how I can sleep at night,” he said. “And there are some people, though it’s a small number, who still value my opinion.”

    “I know that some people are offended that someone who lost and is the former nominee continues to speak, but that’s how I can sleep at night,” he said. “And there are some people, though it’s a small number, who still value my opinion.”Mr. Romney said he won’t vote for Mr. Trump or [Hillary] Clinton. “Hopefully, I will find a name I can support,” he said. “If not, I will write in a name.”

    Mr. Romney said he won’t vote for Mr. Trump or [Hillary] Clinton. “Hopefully, I will find a name I can support,” he said. “If not, I will write in a name.”For this Romney, then, it’s Anybody for President. (Well, anybody except the candidates, or himself.) Bill Kristol,

    For this Romney, then, it’s Anybody for President. (Well, anybody except the candidates, or himself.) Bill Kristol, editor of the Weekly Standard, is on the same page, except that he thinks “it would be great if Romney chose to run.” It would also be great, Kristol adds, if Joe Lieberman, Paul Ryan, Mitch Daniels, Condoleezza Rice, Marco Rubio, Jeb Bush, Nikki Haley or Susana Martinez ran. And it would be pretty good if Mike Pompeo, Adam Kinzinger, Judd Gregg or Mel Martinez would run. They’re all on Wikipedia.

    Failing that, Kristol observes, “someone who hasn’t yet held elective office” could run. He suggests David French, a writer for National Review who earlier this week published an article titled “Mitt Romney, Run for President”:

    I happen to know David French. To say that he would be a better and a more responsible president than Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump is to state a truth that would become self-evident as more Americans got to know him. There are others like him. There are thousands of Americans who—despite a relative lack of fame or fortune—would be manifestly superior to our current choices. And there are many, many others who stand ready to help whoever emerges to have the basic resources, assistance, and infrastructure to mount a credible effort.

    We suppose we should disclose that we too know French, find him likable, and give him a favorable job-approval rating, though we find his anti-Trump stuff overwrought. It occurs to us it would be funny if he ran for president of France, since victory would yield a word palindrome: French President French. But we have no clue if he’s even eligible over there.

    As for the American presidency, French’s response to Kristol’s floating his nom is noncommittal. This morning he tweeted: “An independent campaign against Trump/Clinton is a national necessity.” We’re taking that as a non.

    Kristol’s list raises other questions. Jerry Skurnik, an occasional contributor to this column, wonders where is Kristol’s former boss, the seasoned elder statesman Dan Quayle. For that matter, where’s Kristol himself? If writing an article urging Mitt Romney to run qualifies French to run, then why doesn’t writing an article urging French to run qualify Kristol to run? Recognizing that this line of thought poses a danger of infinite regress, we peremptorily declare that, in the words of Gen. Sherman, “even if unanimously elected [we] should decline to serve.”

    On the other side, what’s Joe Lieberman doing on there? He’s a Democrat, was Al Gore’s running mate, and cast the deciding vote leading to the enactment of ObamaCare—not exactly a conservative stalwart, unless support for the Iraq war is sufficient to earn that distinction.

    And what about Marco Rubio? Did Kristol miss the news that Jennifer Rubin (or as we’ve come to think of her, Ayn Rand Jr.) has expelled Florida’s junior senator from the conservative movement? “Rubio has ceded a potential role in the rebuilding of the GOP post-Trump,” Rubin decrees. “A man of such flimsy character and fleeting convictions cannot be part of the rehab process that will go on once the election is over.”

    The Washington Examiner’s Philip Klein details the offense that led to Rubio’s excommunication:

    On Thursday, Rubio took another step toward fully embracing Trump for the presidency by telling CNN’s Jake Tapper that he not only planned to attend the Republican convention, but that he would be “honored” to speak on Trump’s behalf.

    That’s unacceptable, as per Klein, because Rubio previously said harsh things about Trump:

    Rubio’s assaults on Trump during the primary season were about more than “policy differences.” In addition to repeatedly calling Trump a “con artist,” Rubio: predicted that a Trump presidency would bring “chaos”; said Trump was “wholly unprepared to be president”; and warned about handing over control of the U.S. nuclear arsenal to an “erratic individual” and a “lunatic.”

    Klein thinks this inconsistency reveals “Rubio’s true character—and it is not pretty.” He imagines that primary rivals’ uniting after a heated campaign is something other than politics as usual.

    But if Rubio is disqualified for supporting and denouncing Trump at different times, why isn’t Romney, who praised Trump to the skies when collecting his endorsement in 2012? Never mind, we suppose that question is Mitt, or rather moot. …

    For his part, Kristol isn’t quite ready to climb aboard the Clinton jalopy. “The fact” of Mrs. Clinton’s “unfitness for the Oval Office” is, to him, as “self-evident” as that of Trump’s. But what happens if he is unable to persuade Anybody to run? Will he join Hugh Romney’s Nobody for President effort?

    That might be tough, too. It would require Kristol to admit Nobody is better than Donald Trump.

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  • Presty the DJ for June 1

    June 1, 2016
    Music

    The number one single today in 1963:

    Today in 1967, the Beatles released “Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band”:

    The number one single today in 1968:

    Today in 1969 during their Montreal “Bed-In” (moved from New York City due to a previous marijuana conviction), John Lennon and Yoko Ono, with backing vocals from Timothy Leary, Tommy Smothers, Dick Gregory, DJ Murray the K, Allen Ginsburg and others, recorded this request:

    The number one single today in 1970:

    (more…)

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  • The four-way (or more) presidential race

    May 31, 2016
    US politics

    People touting the presidential race as being between The Donald and Hillary! forget that there is no provision for only two political parties in the U.S. Constitution; in fact, there is no provision for political parties, period.

    I have been touting Comrade Sanders’ need to run as a third-party candidate once he loses the Democratic nomination to Hillary!; in fact, his failure to run as a non-Democrat would end the credibility of his campaign. If he is sincere about his (wrong-headed) principles, as even his detractors claim, he has to run this fall. If his supporters are sincere, they need to push Sanders to run, because it has been obvious for more than a year that the Democratic Party has no intention of allowing anyone but Hillary! to get the nomination.

    Jonah Goldberg has a scenario for a four-way race:

    As it stands now, it seems almost inconceivable that Sanders could become the Democratic nominee — unless the FBI indicts Hillary Clinton before the convention, or she reveals herself to be some sort of animatronic device sent from the future to bore us to death (which would make her ineligible under the “natural born” clause of the Constitution). The former seems about as plausible as the latter, given that Trump’s nomination makes it even less likely the Feds will risk interfering with the election. But by staying in the race, Sanders is clearly hurting Clinton. A raft of new polling has Trump either tied or beating Clinton. If Sanders got out and supported Clinton, many of the “Never Hillary” liberals would come home to the Democrats, just as many anti-Trump conservatives have made peace with the presumptive nominee. The polling suggests that a unified Democratic party would give Clinton a daunting lead over Trump. And yet Bernie just won’t go. Why?

    Part of the answer is personal: He’s simply having the time of his life. This is a man who was kicked out of a hippie commune in 1971 for talking about politics too much when people were trying to work. The young socialist liked chatting about revolutionary labor more than actually laboring for the revolution.

    After spending decades as a gadfly on the periphery of national politics, suddenly he’s the belle of the ball. Millions of people are hanging on his every word rather than trying to escape the conversation. That has to be a heady thing for someone so in love with his own voice. It’s like he spent all his life hanging around minor-league baseball and, in his golden years, somehow become a sensation in the majors. Why quit? To preserve his viability to run when he’s 78 or 84?

    More important, he really believes in his “political revolution.”

    As a result, it looks like Sanders is creating a liberal tea-party movement within the Democratic party. He’s endorsed the primary opponent of the hapless, pro-Clinton chair of the DNC, Debbie Wasserman Schultz. He’s sharing some of his dragon’s horde of campaign cash with handpicked progressive candidates. And he’s encouraging his supporters to harden their animosity toward Clinton.

    At this point, the smart thing to do from the purist-progressive perspective would probably be to continue fighting within the Democratic party for ever more leverage over the Clinton campaign and in Congress, while the best thing for the party would be for him to fold up shop immediately.

    What if Sanders does neither? What if he concludes that the party rigged the game against him and bolts to run as the independent he is? Would the Green Party — which ran Ralph Nader to disastrous effect for Democrats in 2000 — nominate him at their August convention?

    One might assume that the obvious effect of a Sanders independent bid would be a Trump victory in November. Indeed, Trump, with his trademark subtlety, has encouraged Sanders to run as an independent for the obvious reason that doing so would doom Clinton’s candidacy.

    But in this season where the standard playbook is as outdated as the instruction manual for a Commodore 64 computer, Sanders’s third-party bid could well encourage a fourth-party bid from an authentic conservative, such as [2012 Republican nominee Mitt] Romney or Nebraska Senator Ben Sasse. And in a four-way race (or five-way, if you include the Libertarian party), all bets are off. Theoretically, a winning share of the popular vote in a four-way race could be 26 percent. In a five-way race, 21 percent (which is where Romney is polling right now). States that haven’t been competitive in decades would suddenly become battlegrounds. Of course, if no one gets a majority in the Electoral College, the decision goes to the House, for even more exciting postseason drama.

    Trump just wants to win. Sanders wants to smash the status quo in both parties. The opportunity is staring him in the face.

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  • The next Worst President in History

    May 31, 2016
    US politics

    There is a sarcastic phrase from, I believe, a movie from the ’80s, that rhetorically asks “What could possibly go wrong?” in response to what should be an obviously bad idea.

    Ben Shapiro has an answer:

    In 2008, then-senator Barack Obama announced in his second autobiography, The Audacity of Hope, “I serve as a blank screen on which people of vastly different political stripes project their own views.” Obama campaigned on supposed practicality and ad hoc politicking. This left his most cynical detractors shadowboxing at the leftist positions they knew that he actually held, even as the media and his supporters tut-tutted such catastrophic thinking.

    Then, it turned out, Obama’s detractors were right.

    Donald Trump may despise President Obama enough to question his origin of birth (he pulls all the girls’ pigtails, from Marco Rubio to Ted Cruz). But he mimics Obama’s tabula rasa campaign to perfection. He’s an ink blot. When Trump’s detractors point out that Trump has swiveled on every major campaign promise, every major issue, Trump supporters accuse them of going full Rohrshach in Watchmen: Every ink blot, they say, can’t be an image of an atrocity. Some, they say, must be butterflies and clouds.

    What, they ask, could go so wrong in a Trump presidency? Here, then, is an attempt to realistically assess what a Trump presidency would look like. My biases are clear up front: I don’t trust Trump. I don’t trust his promises, because he has shown no willingness to hold to them. I don’t trust his ideology, because he proclaims that his guiding star is his own self-assurance. I trust Trump to be Trump: a man of convenience, a thinker of no great depth, a reactionary with no constitutional understanding and a willingness to maximize executive power.

    Here we go.

    A President Trump would indeed sign an executive order to build a wall with Mexico. After being informed by his advisers that such a wall would actually look more like sections of barrier punctuated by high-tech touch fences, Trump would also quietly concede — he would build the sections that resemble a wall, mostly for symbolic purposes. Trump would probably staff up Immigration and Customs Enforcement, but we’d see no mass deportations. He would revoke President Obama’s DACA (deferred action for childhood arrivals) program, but he would not replace it with a harsh enforcement operation — the costs and political blowback would be too steep, which is why Trump is already talking about both touchback amnesty and negotiation with Democrats. Despite promises to do so, Trump would not dramatically curtail the number of high-tech visas handed out; he’s made clear that he believes American wages are already too high, and he disowned this part of the Jeff Sessions plan in one of the GOP-primary debates. Trump would, however, implement new restrictions on immigration from Muslim countries.

    A President Trump would also move quickly on global trade. He would utilize executive orders to effectively scrap trade deals, nullifying decades of trade negotiations. In retaliation, major trade partners including China, Mexico, and Canada would raise their own trade barriers. China would begin selling American debt on the open market, understanding that American economic growth decreases the possibility of bond repayment. In response, Trump would buy up bonds on the global market, inflating the dollar. Recession would be the inevitable result. In response, Trump would probably fall back on taxing the rich, given his stated preference for lashing out at hedge-fund managers and high-income earners. As a consequence, investment would stall.

    Faced with the dilemma of filling Justice Antonin Scalia’s empty seat on the Supreme Court, Trump would look to his advisers for a list of possible nominees — as he has done recently in releasing his first iteration of such a list. But if Democrats in the Senate, either from a position of majority or a position of minority, threatened to shut down his nomination or filibuster it (as they surely would), Trump would instead submit the name of a well-liked federal judge of “high intellect” but no serious conservative record. Republicans in the Senate, preferring compromise to infighting with their own president, would sign on to Trump’s pick; his pick, a stealth leftist such as David Souter, would be confirmed by a wide majority. A religious-freedom case would rise to the Supreme Court level, and the Court would find that religious organizations have no right to “discriminate” against same-sex couples; Trump would vow to enforce the law, just as he has said that Obergefell is settled law.

    A bill from the Republican House to repeal Obamacare would undoubtedly stall in the Senate. Trump would refuse to use the power of the podium to push it forward. He would probably also refuse to slash funding for Medicaid expansion at the state level, explaining that he believes it is the government’s role to ensure that Americans do not die in the street.

    In response to the continued foreign-policy threat of ISIS, Trump would arrange a meeting with Vladimir Putin, brokered by Putin-friendly adviser Paul Manafort. Putin would pledge to work with Bashar Assad to fight ISIS; he has already pledged the same to President Obama. Instead, however, Assad will continue to devastate all his domestic opponents, leaving ISIS untouched.

    Trump might also pledge to meet with the Iranians, who would probably flatter him and tell him that they would help the fight against ISIS so long as he pressured Israel not to move against Hezbollah or Hamas. Trump, citing his ability to make great deals and falling back on advice from advisers such as Pat Buchanan and James Baker, would try to force Israel to sit down with the Palestinian Authority. No deal would be reached, of course, but Trump would tell Israel that American aid to Israel is not worth the return. Israel’s enemies would take note and plan more aggressive action.

    In other parts of the world, a President Trump would pull back American involvement dramatically. He could begin withdrawing troops from South Korea and Germany and Japan, insisting that they pay more of their own defense budget. He would merely shrug at Chinese aggression in the South China Sea — it’s far away and has no direct impact on American lives. He would almost certainly continue to cede ground to Vladimir Putin not only in Ukraine but also in Moldova and Georgia. Trump would pressure NATO allies to pick up more of the defense burden (he has already vowed to do this). NATO allies would decline to do so. Putin would then begin threatening Estonia and Latvia in an attempt to break NATO once and for all; Trump would do almost nothing in response.

    Bedeviled by negative press coverage, Trump would certainly ice out his media opponents and grant special access to his favorite outlets. He would also target his political opponents via his Chris Christie–led Department of Justice and the Internal Revenue Service, as he has promised to do.

    And then there’s Trump’s rhetoric. It’s unlikely he’d fulfill his promise to become presidential. Instead, he’d no doubt indulge in conspiracy theories and insult battles with leaders both foreign and domestic. He would openly threaten to ruin anyone who opposed him. He would empower elements of his base to threaten his opposition — a sort of counter–Black Lives Matter movement from the alt-right.

    The ink-blot presidency would roll forth, policy after policy. Trump’s defenders would find enough here to like that they’d proclaim him a successful president; his opponents would point to his foreign-policy and economic failures as evidence that he lied to his own supporters throughout his campaign.

    One thing is certain: There’s nothing here that even hints at constitutional conservatism. Trump’s face, like Obama’s before him, would become the face of his party. In the wake of Trump’s continuous policy and media onslaught, the principles of limited government would disappear. Conservatives would fall in line behind Trump, seeking to uphold his agenda because he was “their man.” Those who failed to fall in line would be labeled enemies of the country in Republican circles. A New American Consensus would be formed, merging the ad hoc populist Right and the Democratic Left. The era of conservatism would end.

    That is an optimistic view compared with Brad Thor, who appeared with Glenn Beck to say …

    Brad Thor, author of the new book Foreign Agent, joined The Glenn Beck Program to sound the alarm and rally Americans behind stopping Donald Trump — and he came out with both guns blazing.

    “I think Trump is an extinction-level event potentially for our republic, for democracy. This is one of the greatest crises our nation has seen since the Great Depression, since World War II — is a potential Donald Trump presidency. It is a disaster for liberty,” Thor said. …

    “Listen, Andrew Sullivan, who I’m not a big fan…I don’t agree with a lot of stuff Andrew Sullivan writes … he wrote a brilliant piece recently in New York Magazine, and he said, “Democracies end when they are too democratic.” And he looked at Plato’s republic and some of the thoughts Plato had on democracy, and how, when there are no values, when anything is possible, when everything goes, that’s when a tyrant steps in and takes control of what Plato calls an “obedient mob.” It’s exactly what Trump has done. It is a brilliant, brilliant piece of writing. And I encourage everybody to read it,” Thor said. …

    Glenn reminded Thor of when he rang the bell about Barack Obama, but never said anything like an “extinction-level event.”

    “Listen, I believe it was somebody at National Review that used that exact term, and it resonated with me. …Trump is a boorish orange raccoon. He is an absolute jackass. He is. I’ve said that on your show before. I despise Trump just because he’s such a boorish jackass. But the problem is, is that — damn it, damn it fellow Republicans — damn you, fellow conservatives, who cannot see the potential for tyranny in this man. Shame on you, shame on you all. And damn you all to hell who refuse to acknowledge the potential for tyranny.

    “I don’t care that things might be good under Trump. That’s not good enough to gamble America’s freedom away on. It is there for everyone with eyes to see, that this man is a potential tyrant. He is a caudillo; he is a South American strongman waiting to come into power here in the United States. He will demonize anybody that stands in his way. Congress will not stop this man. We had some of our best and brightest in my lifetime on the GOP side, lined up in this primary, and he steamrolled all of them. And he didn’t do it with great ideas. He did it by being an ass, by insulting them, by making things up.

    “How the hell do you debate with somebody who pulls facts out of his butt? This guy talked about stuff that wasn’t even true. These poor Republicans brought knives to a tactical nuke fight. They couldn’t win against him. And you’re telling me Congress will stand up to tyranny from Donald Trump? It will never happen. He will demagogue members of the press, members of Congress, judges. He will steamroll them, the same way dictators in South America do. It’s going to happen here. We cannot cede the battlefield to this man. There is still a fight to be had and still a fight to be won. Let’s get back in this fight.”

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Steve Prestegard.com: The Presteblog

The thoughts of a journalist/libertarian–conservative/Christian husband, father, Eagle Scout and aficionado of obscure rock music. Thoughts herein are only the author’s and not necessarily the opinions of his family, friends, neighbors, church members or past, present or future employers.

  • Steve
    • About, or, Who is this man?
    • Facebook
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    • Adventures in ruralu0026nbsp;inkBack in June 2009, I was driving somewhere through a rural area. And for some reason, I had a flashback to two experiences in my career about that time of year many years ago. In 1988, eight days after graduating from the University of Wisconsin, I started work at the Grant County Herald Independent in Lancaster as a — well, the — reporter. Four years after that, on my 27th birthday, I purchased, with a business partner, the Tri-County Press in Cuba City, my first business venture. Both were experiences about which Wisconsin author Michael Perry might write. I thought about all this after reading a novel, The Deadline, written by a former newspaper editor and publisher. (Now who would write a novel about a weekly newspaper?) As a former newspaper owner, I picked at some of it — why finance a newspaper purchase through the bank if the seller is willing to finance it? Because the mean bank lender is a plot point! — and it is much more interesting than reality, but it is very well written, with a nicely twisting plot, and quite entertaining, again more so than reality. There is something about that first job out of college that makes you remember it perhaps more…
    • Adventures in radioI’ve been in the full-time work world half my life. For that same amount of time I’ve been broadcasting sports as a side interest, something I had wanted to since I started listening to games on radio and watching on TV, and then actually attending games. If you ask someone who’s worked in radio for some time about the late ’70s TV series “WKRP in Cincinnati,” most of them will tell you that, if anything, the series understated how wacky working in radio can be. Perhaps the funniest episode in the history of TV is the “WKRP” episode, based on a true story, about the fictional radio station’s Thanksgiving promotion — throwing live turkeys out of a helicopter under the mistaken belief that, in the words of WKRP owner Arthur Carlson, “As God is my witness, I thought turkeys could fly.” [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ST01bZJPuE0] I’ve never been involved in anything like that. I have announced games from the roofs of press boxes (once on a nice day, and once in 50-mph winds), from a Mississippi River bluff (more on that later), and from the front row of the second balcony of the University of Wisconsin Fieldhouse (great view, but not a place to go if…
    • “Good morning/afternoon/evening, ________ fans …”
    • My biggest storyEarlier this week, while looking for something else, I came upon some of my own work. (I’m going to write a blog someday called “Things I Found While Looking for Something Else.” This is not that blog.) The Grant County Sheriff’s Department, in the county where I used to live, has a tribute page to the two officers in county history who died in the line of duty. One is William Loud, a deputy marshal in Cassville, shot to death by two bank robbers in 1912. The other is Tom Reuter, a Grant County deputy sheriff who was shot to death at the end of his 4 p.m.-to-midnight shift March 18, 1990. Gregory Coulthard, then a 19-year-old farmhand, was convicted of first-degree intentional homicide and is serving a life sentence, with his first eligibility for parole on March 18, 2015, just 3½ years from now. I’ve written a lot over the years. I think this, from my first two years in the full-time journalism world, will go down as the story I remember the most. For journalists, big stories contain a paradox, which was pointed out in CBS-TV’s interview of Andy Rooney on his last “60 Minutes” Sunday. Morley Safer said something along the line…
  • Food and drink
    • The Roesch/Prestegard familyu0026nbsp;cookbookFrom the family cookbook(s) All the families I’m associated with love to eat, so it’s a good thing we enjoy cooking. The first out-of-my-house food memory I have is of my grandmother’s cooking for Christmas or other family occasions. According to my mother, my grandmother had a baked beans recipe that she would make for my mother. Unfortunately, the recipe seems to have  disappeared. Also unfortunately, my early days as a picky, though voluminous, eater meant I missed a lot of those recipes made from such wholesome ingredients as lard and meat fat. I particularly remember a couple of meals that involve my family. The day of Super Bowl XXXI, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and a group of their friends got together to share lots of food and cheer on the Packers to their first NFL title in 29 years. (After which Jannan and I drove to Lambeau Field in the snow,  but that’s another story.) Then, on Dec. 31, 1999, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and Jannan and I (along with Michael in utero) had a one-course-per-hour meal to appropriately end years beginning with the number 1. Unfortunately I can’t remember what we…
    • SkålI was the editor of Marketplace Magazine for 10 years. If I had to point to one thing that demonstrates improved quality of life since I came to Northeast Wisconsin in 1994, it would be … … the growth of breweries and  wineries in Northeast Wisconsin. The former of those two facts makes sense, given our heritage as a brewing state. The latter is less self-evident, since no one thinks of Wisconsin as having a good grape-growing climate. Some snobs claim that apple or cherry wines aren’t really wines at all. But one of the great facets of free enterprise is the opportunity to make your own choice of what food and drink to drink. (At least for now, though some wish to restrict our food and drink choices.) Wisconsin’s historically predominant ethnic group (and our family’s) is German. Our German ancestors did unfortunately bring large government and high taxes with them, but they also brought beer. Europeans brought wine with them, since they came from countries with poor-quality drinking water. Within 50 years of a wave of mid-19th-century German immigration, brewing had become the fifth largest industry in the U.S., according to Maureen Ogle, author of Ambitious Brew: The Story of American Beer. Beer and wine have…
  • Wheels
    • America’s sports carMy birthday in June dawned without a Chevrolet Corvette in front of my house. (The Corvette at the top of the page was featured at the 2007 Greater Milwaukee Auto Show. The copilot is my oldest son, Michael.) Which isn’t surprising. I have three young children, and I have a house with a one-car garage. (Then again, this would be more practical, though a blatant pluck-your-eyes-out violation of the Corvette ethos. Of course, so was this.) The reality is that I’m likely to be able to own a Corvette only if I get a visit from the Corvette Fairy, whose office is next door to the Easter Bunny. (I hope this isn’t foreshadowing: When I interviewed Dave Richter of Valley Corvette for a car enthusiast story in the late great Marketplace Magazine, he said that the most popular Corvette in most fans’ minds was a Corvette built during their days in high school. This would be a problem for me in that I graduated from high school in 1983, when no Corvette was built.) The Corvette is one of those cars whose existence may be difficult to understand within General Motors Corp. The Corvette is what is known as a “halo car,” a car that drives people into showrooms, even if…
    • Barges on fouru0026nbsp;wheelsI originally wrote this in September 2008.  At the Fox Cities Business Expo Tuesday, a Smart car was displayed at the United Way Fox Cities booth. I reported that I once owned a car into which trunk, I believe, the Smart could be placed, with the trunk lid shut. This is said car — a 1975 Chevrolet Caprice coupe (ours was dark red), whose doors are, I believe, longer than the entire Smart. The Caprice, built down Interstate 90 from us Madisonians in Janesville (a neighbor of ours who worked at the plant probably helped put it together) was the flagship of Chevy’s full-size fleet (which included the stripper Bel Air and middle-of-the-road Impala), featuring popular-for-the-time vinyl roofs, better sound insulation, an upgraded cloth interior, rear fender skirts and fancy Caprice badges. The Caprice was 18 feet 1 inch long and weighed 4,300 pounds. For comparison: The midsize Chevrolet of the ear was the Malibu, which was the same approximate size as the Caprice after its 1977 downsizing. The compact Chevrolet of the era was the Nova, which was 200 inches long — four inches longer than a current Cadillac STS. Wikipedia’s entry on the Caprice has this amusing sentence: “As fuel economy became a bigger priority among Americans…
    • Behind the wheel
    • Collecting only dust or rust
    • Coooooooooooupe!
    • Corvettes on the screen
    • The garage of misfit cars
    • 100 years (and one day) of our Chevrolets
    • They built Excitement, sort of, once in a while
    • A wagon by any otheru0026nbsp;nameFirst written in 2008. You will see more don’t-call-them-station-wagons as you drive today. Readers around my age have probably had some experience with a vehicle increasingly rare on the road — the station wagon. If you were a Boy Scout or Girl Scout, or were a member of some kind of youth athletic team, or had a large dog, or had relatives approximately your age, or had friends who needed to be transported somewhere, or had parents who occasionally had to haul (either in the back or in a trailer) more than what could be fit inside a car trunk, you (or, actually, your parents) were the target demographic for the station wagon. “Station wagons came to be like covered wagons — so much family activity happened in those cars,” said Tim Cleary, president of the American Station Wagon Owners Association, in Country Living magazine. Wagons “were used for everything from daily runs to the grocery store to long summer driving trips, and while many men and women might have wanted a fancier or sportier car, a station wagon was something they knew they needed for the family.” The “station wagon” originally was a vehicle with a covered seating area to take people between train stations…
    • Wheels on theu0026nbsp;screenBetween my former and current blogs, I wrote a lot about automobiles and TV and movies. Think of this post as killing two birds (Thunderbirds? Firebirds? Skylarks?) with one stone. Most movies and TV series view cars the same way most people view cars — as A-to-B transportation. (That’s not counting the movies or series where the car is the plot, like the haunted “Christine” or “Knight Rider” or the “Back to the Future” movies.) The philosophy here, of course, is that cars are not merely A-to-B transportation. Which disqualifies most police shows from what you’re about to read, even though I’ve watched more police video than anything else, because police cars are plain Jane vehicles. The highlight in a sense is in the beginning: The car chase in my favorite movie, “Bullitt,” featuring Steve McQueen’s 1968 Ford Mustang against the bad guys’ 1968 Dodge Charger: [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GMc2RdFuOxIu0026amp;fmt=18] One year before that (but I didn’t see this until we got Telemundo on cable a couple of years ago) was a movie called “Operación 67,” featuring (I kid you not) a masked professional wrestler, his unmasked sidekick, and some sort of secret agent plot. (Since I don’t know Spanish and it’s not…
    • While riding in my Cadillac …
  • Entertainments
    • Brass rocksThose who read my former blog last year at this time, or have read this blog over the past months, know that I am a big fan of the rock group Chicago. (Back when they were a rock group and not a singer of sappy ballads, that is.) Since rock music began from elements of country music, jazz and the blues, brass rock would seem a natural subgenre of rock music. A lot of ’50s musical acts had saxophone players, and some played with full orchestras … [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9CPS-WuUKUE] … but it wasn’t until the more-or-less simultaneous appearances of Chicago and Blood Sweat u0026amp; Tears on the musical scene (both groups formed in 1967, both had their first charting singles in 1969, and they had the same producer) that the usual guitar/bass/keyboard/drum grouping was augmented by one or more trumpets, a sax player and a trombone player. While Chicago is my favorite group (but you knew that already), the first brass rock song I remember hearing was BSu0026amp;T’s “Spinning Wheel” — not in its original form, but on “Sesame Street,” accompanied by, yes, a giant spinning wheel. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qi9sLkyhhlE] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OxWSOuNsN20] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9U34uPjz-g] I remember liking Chicago’s “Just You ‘n Me” when it was released as a single, and…
    • Drive and Eat au0026nbsp;RockThe first UW home football game of each season also is the opener for the University of Wisconsin Marching Band, the world’s finest college marching band. (How the UW Band has not gotten the Sudler Trophy, which is to honor the country’s premier college marching bands, is beyond my comprehension.) I know this because I am an alumnus of the UW Band. I played five years (in the last rank of the band, Rank 25, motto: “Where Men Are Tall and Run-On Is Short”), marching in 39 football games at Camp Randall Stadium, the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome in Minneapolis, Michigan Stadium in Ann Arbor, Memorial Stadium at the University of Illinois (worst artificial turf I had ever seen), the University of Nevada–Las Vegas’ Sam Boyd Silver Bowl, the former Dyche Stadium at Northwestern University, five high school fields and, in my one bowl game, Legion Field in Birmingham, Ala., site of the 1984 Hall of Fame Bowl. The UW Band was, without question, the most memorable experience of my college days, and one of the most meaningful experiences of my lifetime. It was the most physical experience of my lifetime, to be sure. Fifteen minutes into my first Registration…
    • Keep on rockin’ in the freeu0026nbsp;worldOne of my first ambitions in communications was to be a radio disc jockey, and to possibly reach the level of the greats I used to listen to from WLS radio in Chicago, which used to be one of the great 50,000-watt AM rock stations of the country, back when they still existed. (Those who are aficionados of that time in music and radio history enjoyed a trip to that wayback machine when WLS a Memorial Day Big 89 Rewind, excerpts of which can be found on their Web site.) My vision was to be WLS’ afternoon DJ, playing the best in rock music between 2 and 6, which meant I wouldn’t have to get up before the crack of dawn to do the morning show, yet have my nights free to do whatever glamorous things big-city DJs did. Then I learned about the realities of radio — low pay, long hours, zero job security — and though I have dabbled in radio sports, I’ve pretty much cured myself of the idea of working in radio, even if, to quote WAPL’s Len Nelson, “You come to work every day just like everybody else does, but we’re playing rock ’n’ roll songs, we’re cuttin’ up.…
    • Monday on the flight line, not Saturday in the park
    • Music to drive by
    • The rock ofu0026nbsp;WisconsinWikipedia begins its item “Music of Wisconsin” thusly: Wisconsin was settled largely by European immigrants in the late 19th century. This immigration led to the popularization of galops, schottisches, waltzes, and, especially, polkas. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yl7wCczgNUc] So when I first sought to write a blog piece about rock musicians from Wisconsin, that seemed like a forlorn venture. Turned out it wasn’t, because when I first wrote about rock musicians from Wisconsin, so many of them that I hadn’t mentioned came up in the first few days that I had to write a second blog entry fixing the omissions of the first. This list is about rock music, so it will not include, for instance, Milwaukee native and Ripon College graduate Al Jarreau, who in addition to having recorded a boatload of music for the jazz and adult contemporary/easy listening fan, also recorded the theme music for the ’80s TV series “Moonlighting.” Nor will it include Milwaukee native Eric Benet, who was for a while known more for his former wife, Halle Berry, than for his music, which includes four number one singles on the Ru0026amp;B charts, “Spend My Life with You” with Tamia, “Hurricane,” “Pretty Baby” and “You’re the Only One.” Nor will it include Wisconsin’s sizable contributions to big…
    • Steve TV: All Steve, All the Time
    • “Super Steve, Man of Action!”
    • Too much TV
    • The worst music of allu0026nbsp;timeThe rock group Jefferson Airplane titled its first greatest-hits compilation “The Worst of Jefferson Airplane.” Rolling Stone magazine was not being ironic when it polled its readers to decide the 10 worst songs of the 1990s. I’m not sure I agree with all of Rolling Stone’s list, but that shouldn’t be surprising; such lists are meant for debate, after all. To determine the “worst,” songs appropriate for the “Vinyl from Hell” segment that used to be on a Madison FM rock station, requires some criteria, which does not include mere overexposure (for instance, “Macarena,” the video of which I find amusing since it looks like two bankers are singing it). Before we go on: Blog posts like this one require multimedia, so if you find a song you hate on this blog, I apologize. These are also songs that I almost never listen to because my sound system has a zero-tolerance policy — if I’m listening to the radio or a CD and I hear a song I don’t like, it’s, to quote Bad Company, gone gone gone. My blonde wife won’t be happy to read that one of her favorite ’90s songs, 4 Non Blondes’ “What’s Up,” starts the list. (However,…
    • “You have the right to remain silent …”
  • Madison
    • Blasts from the Madison media past
    • Blasts from my Madison past
    • Blasts from our Madison past
    • What’s the matter with Madison?
    • Wisconsin – Madison = ?
  • Sports
    • Athletic aesthetics, or “cardinal” vs. “Big Red”
    • Choose your own announcer
    • La Follette state 1982 (u0022It was 30 years ago todayu0022)
    • The North Dakota–Wisconsin Hockey Fight of 1982
    • Packers vs. Brewers
  • Hall of Fame
    • The case(s) against teacher unions
    • The Class of 1983
    • A hairy subject, or face the face
    • It’s worse than you think
    • It’s worse than you think, 2010–11 edition
    • My favorite interview subject of all time
    • Oh look! Rural people!
    • Prestegard for president!
    • Unions vs. the facts, or Hiding in plain sight
    • When rhetoric goes too far
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