Today in 1968, Jimmy Page, Robert Plant, John Paul Jones and John Bonham played together for the first time when they rehearsed at a London studio. You know them as Led Zeppelin:
Today in 1972, this was the number one song in Britain, which is odd since school was indeed out at the time:
(That, by the way, is a song that will be played as long as school exists.)
These are not rock music birthdays, but since country music is one of the fathers of rock, I’ll note that Buck Owens and Porter Wagoner are celebrating birthdays today.
Today’s first birthday is the writer of “Hit the Road Jack,” Percy Mayfield:
Cliff Fish of one-hit-wonder Paperlace:
Mark Knopfler of Dire Straits:
Jerry Speiser of Men at Work:
Roy Hay of Culture Club:
Today in 1985, Kyu Sakamoto died in a plane crash in Japan. He was the first Japanese artist to have a U.S.-number-one song, in 1963:
I went to the victory party of Sen. Luther Olsen (R–Ripon) Tuesday night. I have been to victory parties and losing parties, and victory parties are always more fun. (Although the feeling seemed more of relief, both in the 14th Senate District result and in the results of the six Republican Senate recalls.)
The first thought I had on driving home Tuesday was that there is no more forlorn sight than the campaign signs of a defeated candidate — the green, white or blue Fred Clark for Senate signs, or, in Fond du Lac an afternoon later, the red Randy Hopper signs.
I once editorialized that there should be a law that campaign signs must be removed immediately upon the polls closing Election Day at 8 p.m. But come to think of it. Sen.-elect Jessica King (D–Oshkosh) might as well keep hers up, because she will discover every day until Nov. 6, 2012, what the Clinton administration term “permanent campaign” means. The GOP will depict her as only concerned about Oshkosh, not Fond du Lac or any point in between, and certainly not those rural areas she claimed to champion.
And now for the best Tweet of Tuesday:
BREAKING: The 2 new WI Democratic legislators will be sworn in at the Rockford, Illinois Holiday Inn.
The political experts have been arguing since Tuesday night who won Tuesday night. (The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel’s Dan Bice, no friend of conservatives, has an interesting list of Tuesday’s winners.) My analogy (and you may hear this on Wisconsin Public Radio Friday at 8 a.m.) is that, if football team R, favored by five points over team D, won 17–16, who won the football game? Team R, of course.
The Democrats’ goal was to win control of the state Senate. Tuesday’s four Republican wins guarantees that Democrats failed, irrespective of the juvenile spin attempts of the Wisconsin Democratic Party’s Mike Tate and Graeme Zielinski, or left-wing bloggers. Of course, one can reasonably ask whether a one-vote majority that includes Sen. Dale Schultz (RINO–Richland Center) is in fact a majority, but the margin is still, shall we say, under review given the recalls of Sens. James Holperin (D–Conover) and Robert Wirch (D–Kenosha) Tuesday. (More on those races in this space Monday.)
Two interesting post-vote facts. First, according to National Review’s Christian Schneider, Republicans won 53 percent of the vote statewide on Tuesday. Second, according to WTMJ’s Charlie Sykes:
… the two senators who lost Tuesday, received substantially MORE votes when they were first elected to a 4-year term than their opponents received in the recall. In other words, the recall allowed a smaller group of voters to negate the choice a much larger number of voters who cast ballots in a general election. In the case of Dan Kapanke, for example, 33,192 Tuesday votes were able to negate the votes of 45,154 voters who elected Kapanke to his current term. Here are the numbers:
Randy Hopper. In 2008 he got 41,852 votes. In 2011 King got 28,188. Difference of 13,664
Dan Kapanke. In 2008 he got 45,154. In 2011 Schilling got 33,192. Difference of 11,962.
My prediction (which I unfortunately didn’t put online anywhere) was that Democrats would gain one net seat after Tuesday’s and Tuesday’s recall elections, and that can still happen. On the scale of most-likely-to-lose to least-likely-to-lose, I put Sens. Dan Kapanke (R–La Crosse), Alberta Darling (R–Menomonee Falls), Randy Hopper (R–Fond du Lac), Olsen, Robert Cowles (R–Green Bay) and Sheila Harsdorf (R–River Falls) in that order. A friend of mine predicted three losses — Kapanke and Hopper (R–Fond du Lac), and either Olsen or Darling — and got two of those right.
Another correspondent, who used to work for Republicans (and the names are changed to protect the guilty, along with the typos), fired this off at me:
Republicans will lose 4 seats, loss both races next week. They have had no plan or ground game for weeks. When only incumbents Darling and Kapanke out of 9 races have outraised their Democrat challenger it’s a terrible sign. Darling has ran a terrible two weeks of the race with lots of gaffes; Olsen doesn’t seem to care (Ex: he spent half a day in a DPI administrative hearing on school mascots just listening last Wednesday); Cowles seems to be angry that he is up for election and his tv spots seem very amateur; Harsdorf has ran a decent campaign with good spots and has defined her opponent; Kapanke has had good spots, good staff, turned around the La Crosee Tribune, raised a ton and will make this race closer than expected; Hopper has a final decent tv spot, but is left with unanswered personal baggage; Holperin has made his Republican candidate out to be a nut, she is behind in fundraising and she looks ill in her tv shots. Wirch is safe.
Grumpy Old Pundit (who is younger than me) called basically 1½ right, Harsdorf and Hopper, with next week still to be decided. (Ironic, isn’t it, that the one GOP senator who “outraised” his opponent lost.) He appeared to forget that the best campaign or candidate (however you define that) doesn’t always win. Moreover, he committed the politicological error (a made-up compound word from the oxymoronic concepts of “politics” and “logic”) of dissing a campaign because the campaign didn’t do things the way you think it should.
The race, to quote Packers announcer Wayne Larrivee (who I believe once described himself as a “Kennedy Democrat”), that was “your dagger!” was Darling’s win over Rep. Sandy Pasch (D–Whitefish Bay). When Tate describes the race as “the crown jewel” and then you drop the crown jewel, well, that’s $30 million of campaign spending that won’t be able to be used for the Obama 2012 campaign. (And by the way, Democrats: Do you suppose that at any point in the future you might attempt to act as though you have a little class in your public pronouncements? Or is that too much to ask?)
The race that was the utter waste of time was Olsen’s. Clark is the first Democrat he has ever faced. That’s right — in seven previous elections spanning 16 years on both the Assembly and Senate level, in good Republican (1994) and Democratic (1996, 2008) years, Luther Olsen had no Democratic opponent. The brains at Democratic Party headquarters must have been passing the dutchie on the left hand side when they thought they could knock off Olsen. (My prediction, by the way: Olsen will have no Democratic opponent in 2012.)
And if you’re going to run against a Republican who has never needed to exert himself to defeat a Democrat, was Clark really the best Democrats could do? (For one thing, next time, Fred, answermy questions!) The pro-Olsen ad that said that “Character is how we act when we think people aren’t paying attention” was a pretty devastating indictment of someone who can’t keep his mouth shut when faced with a contrary opinion from a constituent (Clark had run for office before, right?) and is tardy in his most basic personal responsibilities.
Character was clearly the reason Hopper lost. (Whether or not Democrats were hypocrites.) Which is too bad, because Hopper was one of the few senators who focused like a laser on the state’s business climate dating back to his first days in the state Senate. Hopper also expended significant political capital in getting an unpopular but necessary deal done to keep Mercury Marine manufacturing in Fond du Lac. That was perhaps preferable to the alternative of seeing 11,000 (direct and indirect) jobs leave, but Hopper apparently got no political gain from it.
After shooting the live Ripon Channel Report Tuesday night, the executive producer and I were discussing how unprecedented the mass recalls were. I thought that such recalls had probably happened before, but certainly not in Wisconsin. And then a mention Wednesday turned on a light bulb — the 2002 and 2003 recalls of seven Milwaukee County supervisors, including the board chair, in the wake of the Milwaukee County pension scandal.
There is, however, a huge difference between the Milwaukee County recalls and the Senate GOP recalls. The seven supervisors lost because their votes in favor of the county’s 2000–01 pension and benefits package put the county on the hook for as much as $900 million. That would be a good definition of misconduct in public office. So would leaving the state to prevent a quorum to prevent a vote you’re going to lose (Holperin, Wirch and the rest of the Fleeing Fourteen). To recall an elected official based on a vote, or series of votes, he or she takes on policy you disagree with may be legal, but it’s wrong.
And here’s the punch line: What is to prevent future Republicans from doing the exact same thing? What if a future Democratic governor raises taxes as much as the Dumocrats would like them to be raised? Should that governor be recalled because you disagree with the governor’s position on taxes? Should Fred Clark be recalled because of his loutish behavior toward one of his constituents? Are we really in the Clintonian era of the permanent campaign, regardless of which party controls what in Madison? And is that really good for Wisconsin?
I will be on Wisconsin Public Radio’s Joy Cardin program Friday at 8 a.m.
Wisconsin Public Radio’s Ideas Network can be heard on WHA (970 AM) in Madison, WLBL (930 AM) in Auburndale, WHID (88.1 FM) in Green Bay, WHWC (88.3 FM) in Menomonie, WRFW (88.7 FM) in River Falls, WEPS (88.9 FM) in Elgin, Ill., WHAA (89.1 FM) in Adams, WHBM (90.3 FM) in Park Falls, WHLA (90.3 FM) in La Crosse, WRST (90.3 FM) in Oshkosh, WHAD (90.7 FM) in Delafield, W215AQ (90.9 FM) in Middleton, KUWS (91.3 FM) in Superior, WHHI (91.3 FM) in Highland, WSHS (91.7 FM) in Sheboygan, WHDI (91.9 FM) in Sister Bay, WLBL (91.9 FM) in Wausau, W275AF (102.9 FM) in Ashland, W300BM (107.9 FM) in Madison, and of course online at www.wpr.org.
Will we discuss Recallarama? Or the diving stock market? Or President Downgrade? Will an hour be enough?
Today in 1964, the Beatles movie “A Hard Day’s Night” opened in New York:
Two years later, the Beatles opened their last American concert tour on the same day that John Lennon apologized for saying that the Beatles were “more popular than Jesus. … Look, I wasn’t saying The Beatles are better than God or Jesus, I said ‘Beatles’ because it’s easy for me to talk about The Beatles. I could have said ‘TV’ or ‘Cinema’, ‘Motorcars’ or anything popular and would have got away with it…”
Today in 1976, the Who drummer Keith Moon collapsed and was hospitalized in Miami.
You might have the knack for music trivia if you can identify the number one today in 1979:
Today in 1984, President Reagan either forgot or ignored the dictum that one should always assume a microphone is open:
Birthdays start with Manfred Mann drummer Mike Hegg:
James Kale of the Guess Who …
… was born the same day as Denis Payton, one of the Dave Clark Five:
Joe Jackson:
Who is Richie Beau? You know him better as Richie Ramone:
In the beginning, there was the Contract with America. And for the Republican Party in 1994, it was good.
Then there was the Contract from America. And for the tea party movement in 2010, it was largely good.
Now the left wants their own contract, which they are calling the Contract for the American Dream — an attempt to duplicate the tea party movement, but on the opposite side of the political spectrum. The problem with the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, say some Democrats and their various interest groups, is that it wasn’t big enough. MoveOn, Rebuild the Dream, the Center for Economic Policy and Research, and U.S. Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D–Illinois), are supporting the CAD, which could be thought of as Stimulus Part Deux.
In 10 bullet points, the contract calls for massive new spending and taxes. At the top of the list are items [President] Obama has been calling for: investing in infrastructure, clean energy, strengthening public education. These “winning the future” items were included in Obama’s 2012 budget, which was rejected unanimously in the Senate after it become focused on budget cutting.
The contract also calls for a crackdown on corporations to enforce equal pay for equal work, reforming Social Security by lifting the cap on payroll taxes, accelerating the pullout of troops from Afghanistan and overhauling the campaign finance system.
On taxes, the groups are calling for an end to Bush-era tax rates, a new higher tax bracket for millionaires and a surcharge on Wall Street trades of 1/20th of 1 percent. Schakowsky has proposed a 45 percent tax rate for millionaires and a 49 percent tax rate for billionaires.
Here I thought ARRA was about infrastructure investment, clean energy and strengthening public education. The first two years of the Obama administration dumped so much federal money into education that states like Wisconsin had to make budget adjustments for their 2011 budgets because the federal money was gone. (Is that an indictment of the Obama administration or the Doyle administration? You decide.) The fact that the green energy industry has deflated significantly in the past year or so might be an argument about how strong the industry is, or isn’t, without subsidies.
What you will not see is any mention of federal fiscal responsibility. According to one of CAD’s supporters, “We have a jobs crisis, not a deficit crisis.” (Irrespective of the fact that we could have both.) Which puts CAD on a different planet from the political discussion being held today, a discussion that, according to the stock markets, needs to be revisited. (Ponder the irony of CAD’s chief congressional supporter being from a state with worse finances than Wisconsin’s.)
The Contract with America and the Contract from America were about making government more responsible. Anything that puts brakes on what the government can do to you is a smaller-government measure. This is not. A tax on Wall Street trades penalizes every household that owns stock, and that’s half the households in the U.S., not just the “rich” ones. (Then again, it’s interesting to note the degree to which Republicans have indeed won the tax arguments over the years when the highest tax rate they can come up with is 49 percent, which is less than the marginal tax rates of the 1970s.)
Regardless of how you feel about this mishmash of bad ideas, to have the left’s agenda spelled out in one place for easy reference is a good thing. CAD’s supporters are betting that the public supports such an anti-employer and anti-accomplishment agenda, not to mention an agenda not based on anything remotely resembling reality. The difference is that when Republicans used the Contract with America and the tea party used the Contract from America, they were successful. Conservatives lose when they don’t adhere to their ideas. (See Bush, George H.W.)
The Wall Street Journal’s Best of the Web Today has a great analysis of the difference between the current and previous Democratic presidents:
Amid President Obama’s recent political difficulties, one recurring theme from unhappy lefties is that the president is either too willing to compromise his progressive principles or else never adhered to such principles in the first place. …
Left-wing progressives have abundant reason to be unhappy with the Obama presidency. If it continues on its current trajectory, it could be the greatest setback to progressive ideology since the Vietnam War. …
But the notion that Obama is not a progressive or has not been “fighting for progressive principles”–a very different activity from negotiating, we should note–is bunk. …
In short, Obama is a fighter for the progressive cause. Progressives are upset with him because he is a loser.
Bill Clinton, by contrast, was a winner. By all accounts he emerged victorious from the 1995-96 budget battles with Republicans, and he was easily re-elected. There are, of course, many differences between Clinton and Obama, and between those times and these. But one salient difference is that Clinton was ideologically flexible whereas Obama is rigid.
Unlike Obama, Clinton abandoned “health care reform” when it was clear it was politically untenable. Clinton drove a hard bargain with Republicans in the budget fights, but he never demanded that they raise taxes. And his signature legislation turned out to be welfare reform, a centrist initiative that drew bipartisan support but bitter opposition from the progressive left.
Yet the left not only stood by him but rallied behind him when he was impeached for perjury and obstruction of justice in a sex scandal. If Barack Obama were caught in flagrante delicto with a White House intern, does anyone doubt the left would demand his resignation–and would be relieved at having a good reason to do so?
Progs loved Bill Clinton because he was a winner. They loathe Barack Obama because he is a loser. But Obama is a loser in large part because he is unwilling to do what Clinton did to make himself a winner: cast aside progressive ideology when it is expedient to do so.
Obama isn’t betraying the left, the left is betraying Obama–and they are doing so precisely because he has done what they say they want him to do.
It was obvious from before his 1992 election that Bill Clinton was principally about Bill Clinton. Clinton’s tax increase occurred in 1993 with a Democratic Congress. But Hillarycare was dropped just before the 1994 elections, which didn’t go well for Clinton’s party. Clinton’s investor-friendly tax cut in 1997 occurred with a Republican Congress. Clinton (correctly) touted the North American Free Trade Agreement, which his union supporters opposed.
Obama’s presidency so far has made people wax nostalgic for Clinton’s presidency.
Today, this would be the sort of thing to embellish a band’s image. Not so in 1959, when four members of The Platters were arrested on drug and prostitution charges following a concert in Cincinnati when they were discovered with four women (three of them white) in what was reported as “various stages of undress.” Despite the fact that none of the Platters were convicted of anything, the Platters (who were all black) were removed from several radio stations’ playlists.
Speaking of odd music anniversaries: Today in 1985, Michael Jackson purchased the entire Beatles music library for more than $45 million.
Birthdays begin with Leo Fender, who never recorded music as far as I know, but had a primary role in rock and roll because of the guitar that bore his name.
Bobby Hatfield, who formerly lived in Beaver Dam, was one of the Righteous Brothers:
Phil Spector produced the Righteous Brothers. Phil’s ex-wife, Ronnie, also has a birthday today:
One week ago, we were being told that Congress absolutely needed to make a debt ceiling deal to prevent economic calamity, beginning with the stock market. President Obama signed that debt deal into law one week ago.
On Thursday, the Dow Jones Industrial Average dropped 512 points, or 4.3 percent, in its worst day since 2008, erasing all the gains of the entire year. The S&P 500 dropped 60 points, or 4.8 percent, and Nasdaq did even worse, losing 136 points, or 5.1 percent.
But Thursday looked good compared to Monday, when the DJIA dumped another 634.76 points, or 5.5 percent, the S&P 500 lost 79.92 points, or 6.66 percent, and Nasdaq dropped 174.72 points, or 6.9 percent, erasing Thursday for the Worst Day of the Market Year title. The DJIA now has lost 14 percent in two weeks.
This came after Standard & Poor’s downgraded U.S. long term debt from AAA to AA+. CNNMoney reports:
Market observers tried to say the downgrade by itself shouldn’t matter — that it was expected and that the United States still has a strong credit rating.
But the market wasn’t buying it. …
Even if investors dismissed the downgrade, they’d still have to contend with the European debt crisis and rising fears of a new U.S. recession.
And what do you suppose will happen today after this news gets wider reporting:
The White House and much of the chattering class cooed on Friday when unemployment dropped to 9.1 percent and 117,000 jobs were reportedly created in July. But these numbers, upon closer inspection, show no progress on the jobs front.
Buried in the job stats was a number — 193,000 — that dwarfed all the rest. That is the number of workers who left the job market. If 193,000 left and only 117,000 jobs were added, we lost 76,000 jobs. Moreover, this is not an aberration.
When President Obama took office in January of 2009, the labor participation rate was 65.7 percent. Now, “The labor force participation rate is currently 63.9 percent. That is the lowest level since 1984,” says Matt McDonald, a communications and business strategist who previously worked in the Bush administration. “If the labor force participation rate today were 65.7 percent, there would be an additional 4.2 million people in the workforce.” In that case, the unemployment rate would be 11.5 percent not 9.1 percent.
The Wall Street Journal added both perspective and irony Monday, before the latest market tank:
Investors and markets—not any single company’s rating—are the ultimate judge of a nation’s creditworthiness. And after their performance in fanning the credit and mortgage-security mania of the last decade, S&P, Moody’s and Fitch should hardly be seen as peerless oracles.
Their views are best understood as financial opinions, like newspaper editorials, and they’re only considered more important because U.S. government agencies have required purchasers of securities to use their ratings. We’ve fought to break that protected oligopoly, even as liberals in the Senate led by Minnesota’s Al Franken have tried to preserve it. …
Yet is there anything that S&P said on Friday that everyone else doesn’t already know? S&P essentially declared that on present trend the U.S. debt burden is unsustainable, and that the American political system seems unable to reverse that trend.
This is not news.
In that context, the Obama Administration’s attempt to discredit S&P only makes the U.S. look worse—like the Europeans who also want to blame the raters for noticing the obvious. …
The real reason for White House fury at S&P is that it realizes how symbolically damaging this downgrade is to President Obama’s economic record. Democrats can rail all they want about the tea party, but Republicans have controlled the House for a mere seven months. The entire GOP emphasis in those seven months—backed by the tea party—has been on reversing the historic spending damage of Mr. Obama’s first two years.
The Bush Presidency and previous GOP Congresses contributed to the current problem by not insisting on domestic cuts to finance the cost of war, and by adding the prescription drug benefit without reforming Medicare. But as recently as 2008 spending was still only 20.7%, and debt held by the public was only 40.3%, of GDP.
In the name of saving the economy from panic, the White House and the Pelosi Congress then blew out the American government balance sheet. They compounded the problem of excessive private debt by adding unsustainable public debt.
No reputable financial advisor would tell stockholders to panic and sell after one bad market day. The market tanked on Black Monday 1987, losing 22.61 percent of its value in one day, forcing President Ronald Reagan to give an unscheduled address to tell the American people that the economy’s fundamentals were still strong. And indeed, within a year the market gained back everything it had lost.
Anyone out there think the economy’s fundamentals are strong?
I agree with four-fifths of Harvard University Prof. Robert Barro‘s ways to get back the AAA bond rating?
The way for the U.S. government to earn back a AAA rating is to enact a meaningful medium- and long-term plan for addressing the nation’s fiscal problems. I have sketched a five-point plan that builds on ideas from the excellent 2010 report of the president’s deficit commission.
First, make structural reforms to the main entitlement programs, starting with increases in ages of eligibility and a shift to an economically appropriate indexing formula. Second, lower the structure of marginal tax rates in the individual income tax. Third, in the spirit of Reagan’s 1986 tax reform, pay for the rate cuts by gradually phasing out the main tax-expenditure items, including preferences for home-mortgage interest, state and local income taxes, and employee fringe benefits—not to mention eliminating ethanol subsidies. Fourth, permanently eliminate corporate and estate taxes, levies that are inefficient and raise little money.
Fifth, introduce a broad-based expenditure tax, such as a value-added tax (VAT), with a rate around 10%. The VAT’s appeal to liberals can be enhanced, with some loss of economic efficiency, by exempting items such as food and housing.
I recognize that a VAT is anathema to many conservatives because it gives the government an added claim on revenues. My defense is that a VAT makes sense as part of a larger package that includes the other four points.
Introducing a new tax is a terrible idea unless it replaces another tax in its entirety. (Eliminating corporate and estate taxes without eliminating the 16th Amendment guarantees that at some future point we will have both high income taxes and high VAT taxes.) But lower and simpler taxes worked to propel the economy through the 1980s so well that even Bill Clinton’s 1993 tax increases didn’t stall the economy, and the post-Gulf War recession wasn’t noticeable to most people.
This recession and this lack of economic growth is noticeable to most people. It may soon be noticeable to the Obama reelection campaign, says the University of Virginia Center for Politics:
In November 2012, voters will probably be focused on the moribund economy, not the debt. Almost lost in the shuffle of the last week’s real or manufactured crisis was the sobering news that the United States’ gross domestic product grew only at a paltry 1.3% clip in the second quarter. The first quarter was downgraded to a truly miserable 0.4% growth rate. President Obama needs that number to be close to 3%, if not higher, to achieve a comfortable reelection. If the economy doesn’t pick up soon, Obama’s once-bright prospects for reelection could be history, along with his White House tenure—assuming, of course, Republicans nominate a mainstream candidate that can appeal to swing voters and appears to be a credible possible occupant of the Oval Office.
Amy Kremer, the head of the Tea Party Express nicely summarized what’s at stake in Tuesday’s recall elections when she spoke in North Fond du Lac Sunday:
“This is ground zero for the 2012 campaign,” Kremer said. “And the reason this is happening … is because we are a threat to their power. We are going to take away the power of the unions. It’s not the union bosses that should control the government, it’s we the people and our elected representatives.”
The public employee unions, remember, have lied throughout the recall campaigns about why the recall elections are taking place. They claimed the Walker campaign said nothing about wanting to curb public employee collective bargaining, which was provably false. And they haven’t uttered the magic words “collective bargaining” at all when asserting that the recall elections are about Gov. Scott Walker’s alleged radical agenda (because if you’re not a Republican, balanced budgets are radical?) and the current Legislature’s unwillingness to spend more money on education or social services or institute 100-percent taxes on all of the “rich” and evil corporations.
Another example of revisionist history comes from the mouth of Mark Zillges, president of the Mercury Marine union, who appears to have buyer’s remorse over the contract his union’s employees signed with Mercury Marine to prevent the company from ending its Fond du Lac manufacturing operations. Zillges now claims that Sen. Randy Hopper (R–Fond du Lac) “shamelessly has been exaggerating on television ads his role in the fight to keep Mercury Marine in Wisconsin.”
That is a claim neither Zillges nor anyone else was making when Hopper talked about phoning Gov. James Doyle during a wedding in the early days of the efforts to keep Mercury Marine in Wisconsin. I know that because I was at the press conference at Mercury Marine when Doyle specifically credited Hopper’s efforts in keeping Mercury Marine in Fond du Lac. (Along with the efforts of many others. And here’s a sound bite to prove it.) I’m not sure if Zillges was at that press conference, but Zillges’ superiors at the International Association of Machinists were there. I also know that Doyle, Hopper, IAM officials and others were at Marian University’s Business & Industry Awards when they were all honored for their efforts at preventing more than 10,000 (direct and indirect) jobs from leaving Fond du Lac.
I doubt any reader will be surprised at my strong suggestion that you vote for the six Republicans — Hopper, Sens. Robert Cowles (R–Green Bay), Alberta Darling (R–River Hills), Sheila Harsdorf (R–River Falls), Luther Olsen (R–Ripon) and Dan Kapanke (R–La Crosse) — against their illegitimate Democratic opposition in the illegitimate recall elections. Each did what grownups in office do — they made the difficult but correct decision to wrest control of state government from the public employee unions, which are a blight on the Wisconsin landscape. Each decided in favor of a budget that is much closer to balanced than anything the previous governor and Legislature created in the entirety of the Doyle administration. Each made the decision that the state’s business climate needed to be vastly improved from what the Walker administration inherited in January.
(One other item about Hopper: Whether you agree with his, shall we say, personal decisions, I find it interesting that Hopper is getting criticized from Democrats and their apparatchiks over what’s going on in his personal life. President Bill Clinton was accused of “bimbo eruptions,” and we were told at the time that sex is a private matter. The Democrats’ supporters’ discovery of personal morality seems conveniently timed, doesn’t it?)
Back on July 12 I pointed out the reasons that the Democratic candidates that won their primaries were bad choices. Nothing that has happened since has caused me to change my mind. Particularly Rep. Fred Clark (D–Baraboo), who still has yet to give a good answer to the question of why anyone in the 14th Senate District should vote for him … or, for that matter, why anyone in the 42nd Assembly District should vote for him in November 2012.
There has, in fact, been no legitimate alternative vision raised by any Democratic candidate for governing the state other than essentially going back to the way things were before the Nov. 2 election — higher taxes, yet more red budget ink, and public employee union control of every level of government. Wisconsinites knew exactly what they were getting when they chose to not choose Democrats left and, well, left Nov. 2. And there is no reason to change horses in the middle of the stream.