More than 50 people who voted in person or worked the polls during Wisconsin’s election earlier this month have tested positive for COVID-19 so far.
The state Department of Health Services reported the latest figures on Tuesday, three weeks after the April 7 presidential primary and spring election that drew widespread concern because of voters waiting in long lines to cast ballots in Milwaukee.
Wisconsin Emergency Management spokesman Andrew Beckett says several of the 52 people who have tested positive and were at the polls also reported other possible exposures.
Vince Vitrano of WTMJ-TV in Milwaukee:
There was no election day surge.
I appreciate the compliments from many of you that suggest you agree I’ve been presenting math without bias or opinion. I share here, no politics… just numbers on this important issue.
Out of an abundance of caution (popular phrase) I waited an additional week beyond the typical 14-day incubation window for COVID-19 to allow for delayed reporting and/or test results that would indicate a spike in positive cases surrounding in-person polling on April 7th.
It didn’t materialize.
Highest number of daily COVID-19 deaths (19) reported back on April 4. Pre election.
Highest number of daily COVID-19 hospitalizations in Wisconsin (446) reported April 9th. Only 2 days post election.
April 22nd, we did see the highest number of positive COVID-19 tests as a percentage of the sample size, at 11.9%. Front end of the election day surge?
It didn’t hold. It was a one day jump, followed by another two days decline that has now fallen in the latest numbers to 7.6%. See the attached chart which reflects exactly what health officials have been preaching for weeks… a “flat” curve. It’s up. It’s down. It’s up. It’s down. It’s net is flat.
Both State DHS Secretary Designee Andrea Palm and Dr. Ryan Westergaard, the State’s Chief Medical Officer both answered last week direct questions on the election and neither said they could see an election related spike.
Nothing has changed since those statements were made as the green line reflects on the attached graph… a flat trend.
WHAT I DID NOT SAY
I didn’t say having in-person voting on April 7th was a good idea. I take no public position on that, as it’s a matter of opinionated debate.
I didn’t say none of the people who voted or worked the polls got sick.
I didn’t say Governor Tony Evers was right or wrong to try to postpone the election.
I didn’t say Republican leadership was right or wrong to block the effort.
I didn’t say the courts made the right or wrong decisions with regard to the questions put before them.
You’re entitled to your opinion on the wisdom of proceeding with the election in the manner that we did.
I simply now report three weeks post election that the surge some feared, others predicted, did not happen.
FINALLY
Regardless of whether you thought there’d be a surge or not… shouldn’t this be regarded as good news? This much I share my opinion on… I want Wisconsin and our people to be healthy and strong and vibrant.
Nobody likes the Packers fan who predicts we’re going to get blown out on Sunday… and then actively roots against his own team just to prove he was right. Every time I’ve ever bet against the Pack, which at times is where the smart money is, I’ve wanted in my heart to be wrong.
Let’s all breathe a sigh of relief and continue to hope we’re closer every day to getting people back to work.
And then, to my amazement, I found it. Hypebeast introduces:
Upgraded from its 2019 model, Rezvani has now created the world’s most powerful production SUV with the 2020 Rezvani Tank.
The SUV — which the company calls an “Extreme Utility Vehicle” — is now powered by a Dodge Demon 6.2L supercharged V8 engine, capable of producing 1,000 horsepower, along with 870 pound-feet of torque. With special FOX suspension, 16-inch 8-piston caliper brakes, and T6061 aircraft-grade aluminium design wheels, the on-demand four-wheel-drive vehicle excels in the off-road arena.
Rezvani’s military-inspired SUV also comes equipped with an array of mil-spec tech, including full ballistic armor, electromagnetic pulse protection, and thermal night vision. The top of the windshield is equipped with high intensity LEDs capable of turning night into day. As for the interior, Rezvani has kitted out the SUV with white leather panelling and seats that can be heated or cooled, a 7.9-inch central infotainment screen, and a Focal sound system.
Prices start at $155,000 USD for the 2020 Rezvani Tank, and orders are already being taken. Head over to the brand’s site to learn more now.
Or go to YouTube:
Choice of engines from standard V-6 (from Chrysler, 3.6 liters and 285 horsepower) to 1,000-horsepower V-8, plus a six-cylinder diesel option. And — be still my beating heart — a choice of an eight-speed automatic or a six-speed manual transmission.
This is not necessarily the largest vehicle out there; it’s about the same size as the largest Jeep Wrangler, a few inches shorter than a Jeep Grand Cherokee, and a full foot shorter than a Honda Pilot. (More on that later.)
It seems a bit analogous to the Carbon Motors police car, which was supposed to revolutionize police vehicles as a purpose-built squad car, with BMW diesel engine, built-in emergency lights and radio, and other features. In part because of the bad timing of the Great Recession, only one of what was inevitably called the “RoboCop” car was built.
The Carbon prototype sold at auction for $74,000 in 2014.
Rezvani has managed to build more than one. Rezvani also has managed to generate positive PR from reviews, including:
TopGear: “The face may be aggressive, but it masks a vehicle that’s deeply likeable. The Rezvani Tank is ready for nuclear war.”
The Driver: “You could rule the roads like the evil genius that you’ve always wanted to be.”
Motor1: “For what you pay the Rezvani Tank offers a lot. It looks good, it’s powerful and with optional features you can’t get on any other SUV.”
Univision: “Rezvani ofrece el 4 x 4 más radical que merece una gran película de acción.” I mean, “Rezvani offers the most radical 4 x 4 deserving of a major action film.”
This screams for configuration, don’t you think? And to not suck too much money out of my employer, I’ll start with the $159,000 base version, instead of the Military Edition for another $100,000, or the TankX, which doubles the price to $349,000. (At these prices the Tank may cost more than what many weekly newspapers are worth at the moment.)
I chose red just for how it photographs. There is a Military Green, but it’s not particularly attractive. I could choose a custom color, for $5,000, which seems like a bargain compared with some of the other options (such as in the next paragraph).
Much as I like the idea of a 1,000-horsepower V-8 (the Dodge Demon), I’m not sure that’s worth $149,000. So instead I will economize and, for $40,000, take the SRT 6.4-liter Hemi V-8 and its mere 500 horsepower. (The transmission choice should be obvious.) I decided to splurge on the Sport Exhaust, for $1,750. To stop those 500 horsepower, I spent $5,600 on the Big Brake Kit with eight-piston calipers and 16-inch disc brake rotors.
Towing ability is important, so I added the Towing Package (Dana 60 rear end and tow hitch, for $8,500). Off-road ability may be important, so I added the 2.5 Fox shocks (two per wheel) and four-inch lift kit, for $3,500. On the front end, I chose the steel front bumper and winch, for $5,500. Between the two ends, I chose the Interior Lighting Package (interior and footwell lighting), for $2,500, and in case I have to shoot night photos when people may not want me to, I chose the Thermal Night Vision Package, for $6,500, along with side ($850) and Black Vue front and rear cameras ($500). (The Black Vue cameras record continuously to The Cloud, by the way.)
Again to show I’m not just trying to waste money, I got the Nappa leather seats ($3,500), but not the leather interior ($3,500 more), though I did get the heated seats ($500). And I went with the Premium audio system (four Audison speakers, five-channel amplifier, 10-inch subwoofer, for $4,500) instead of the Ultimate ($10,000 for six Focal speakers, a four-channel amp, two JKL Audio subwoofers and two custom amp racks). If you choose to spend $500 to match your instrument color to your vehicle, you get …
I think it only wise to get the center console safe ($950), dual battery ($2,500), auxiliary gas tank ($7,500), and, of course, electromagnetic pulse protection ($2,500), because it’s a jungle out there.
Total it up, and this can be mine for just $212,150, plus whatever sales tax is in California. I have to scrape up $35,000 for a deposit, and then pay the rest upon completion in 10 to 12 weeks.
So what’s wrong with this? (Besides the concept that a journalist could afford a $212,150 truck, that is.) For one thing, at Cherokee size the Tank seems, believe it or don’t, on the small side. The journalist needs room to, for instance, plug cameras into laptops to download or upload photos, or room to write on said laptop. Room is also needed for the public-service-band radio with which to monitor what police and firefighters are doing. I can’t tell from online views how much room there is. (Which made me think, when I first started this exercise, that the ideal base vehicle was a full-size pickup or SUV.)
It appears to lack comprehensive instrumentation, which should include a voltmeter and oil pressure gauge. A sunroof also might be useful, and that is not the Starry Night Headliner (for $6,250).
At $212,000 I’m not buying. (For one thing, Powerball and Mega Millions jackpots have shrunk in the coronavirus world.)
For those who don’t like the SUV idea, though, Rezvani does have an alternative …
… the Beast, a sports car powered by a Honda racing engine.
If you spend much time on social media you may have recently seen this:
For those who wonder what the rest said, both views are written by a cat and a dog each named Jason Gay:
America Needs To Get Back to Work
By A Cat
Enough is enough. American business has taken a historic plunge over the past month. It’s time to consider a practical plan for protecting public health—while also allowing for a return to work and, hopefully, a revival of the economy.
Oh, who am I kidding?
On behalf of cats everywhere, I’ll just say it: We want everyone out of the house.
It was cute for a while, but the party is over. We’re sick of this quarantine, shelter-in-place directive.
Sheltering in place? That’s a cat’s job. Cats invented sheltering in place—sleeping in the windowsill, the corner of the couch, the sock drawer in the closet and, if it gets a little too noisy, under the bed, eyes open, annoyed. Cats know what it takes to stay home all the time. We’re just tired of sharing our home with everybody else.
Have we liked getting snacks at unexpected hours? Sure. Is it nice to roll around on that warm laptop keyboard during Zoom calls? Sure is. Warm keyboards are heaven.
But it’s gotten to be too much. The other day I walked into the kitchen and saw someone standing in my 9 a.m. sun spot. So rude. That sun spot is only there for 15 minutes a day!
We (sort of) love you, and appreciate the occasional pats on the head, but cats are not the most social creatures. Sure, there are some exceptions. You might have one of those cats who actually enjoys human company. Congratulations.
But the vast majority of us—
BIRD OUTSIDE THE WINDOW! MUST! GET! BIRD!
Sorry. Where was I? Right. The vast majority of cats are ready for you to get back to work. Or just leave the house for longer than 15 minutes.
Please consider it. Not for America. For cats.
Why Not Work at Home Forever?
By A Dog
As America debates a return to work, it’s important not to rush. We need to balance the economy against the extremely valid concerns about public health and protecting lives.
And walks. We need to think about all of the walks.
And ball. We need to also chase the ball. Lots and lots.
Look: I’m a dog. I’m not some public intellectual. I’m a good, good dog, most of the time, but I just ate half of a baseball glove in the garage. I also knocked over a potted plant in the living room. I’m sorry. I’m a dog. What do you want?
The important thing is: Dogs want you to stay. These past four weeks, they have been some of the greatest weeks of our lives. You’re there in the morning. You’re there in the evening. You’re there at lunch. It’s the best.
And the walks…we’ve never been so fit in our lives! There’s the 8:30 a.m. walk, the 11:15 a.m. walk, the 1 p.m. walk, the 3 p.m. walk, the 7 p.m. walk, and, if we’re lucky, a 9:30 p.m. walk.
Sometimes you throw the ball. And then I get the ball and bring it back to you. And then you throw the ball again, and I bring it back again. And again. And again. And again. Bliss.
I’m sure the cats are telling you they’ve had it. Never trust a cat. They’re rude animals. They don’t appreciate you.
But dogs understand what you bring to the table. We love having you at home. Stay. Stay forever. We promise to be a good dog. Or at least a pretty good dog.
Wisconsin just posted its single largest, daily number of new, confirmed COVID-19 cases. Here’s why that’s not nearly as bad as it seems.
First… my Wauwatosa East High School friends will attest, if my math teacher, Mr. Waala, knew I was dropping math and stats knowledge here… he’d go into cardiac arrest. I was a terrible math student, and I dropped stats in college. Not exactly a glowing self endorsement, but with the help of my TMJ4 News colleagues, we’ve got this thing right.
One of the reasons Wisconsin took such a big jump in cases day to day is because we took a big jump in tests.
The below link has it all. We’ve been asking Wisconsin DHS to do the calculations and put this number front and center, but so far, we’re left to do the math on our own.
Break down:
Yesterday Wisconsin DHS reported 121 new, confirmed cases of coronavirus. Lowest number in a week.
Today, Wisconsin DHS reported 225 new, confirmed cases. Highest single day total ever.
Looks really bad.
HOWEVER, Tuesday’s number is based on 1359 tests. Today’s number is the result of 1886 tests. There were 527 more tests. Naturally one would expect more positive results.
Apples to apples, Tuesday’s number was about 9% positives of the pool of total tests. Today’s number, about 12%. Higher, yes, and not the direction we want to be going, but hardly the huge increase the raw numbers suggest. 3% is not a spike, it’s maybe a bump at most.
Please share the link below with friends, and refer to it often. We will work to update it with new, daily information. It will give perspective as Wisconsin aims to dramatically ramp up testing. Imagine how many positives we’ll get if we start nearing the Governor’s goal of 12,000 daily tests. We’re going to see some big raw numbers of new cases. Those numbers will be of limited relevance. It’s going to be about the percentage of the total… and that’s the metric the State is planning to use as health officials and the Governor determine if we’ve met that criterion for opening businesses again.
Lawmakers on Capitol Hill are getting louder in their call for the federal government to provide financial support for local news as the already struggling industry suffers another blow from the coronavirus pandemic’s impact.
On Monday, more than 240 House members signed a letter to President Trump, urging him to direct federal spending to ads in local media and to encourage businesses that receive stimulus funds to spend a portion of that money on the same.
This move is just the latest in a string of efforts by US lawmakers over the last month to address the pandemic’s effects on local news. Even as local news outlets see a surge in readership and viewership, their revenue sources have been decimated. Many local news outlets rely on ad dollars from local businesses and events that have been forced to shut down amid the pandemic.
Since March, thousands of people in the media industry have been laid off, furloughed, or have taken pay cuts as newspaper companies, alt-weeklies, local networks and digital outlets cut costs to make up for shrinking revenue.
Over the weekend, four lawmakers — Sens. Maria Cantwell (D-WA), John Kennedy (R-LA), Amy Klobuchar (D-MN), and John Boozman (R-AR) — urged Senate leaders in a letter to revise the rules to make local newspapers, and radio and television broadcasters eligible for small business assistance under the Paycheck Protection Program.
“Up to several thousand newspapers and hundreds of local radio and television stations across the country were cut out of existing programs by the U.S. Small Business Administration’s affiliation rule, which restricts assistance to companies owned or controlled by larger entities,”the letter said.“Even though these news outlets may be owned by larger groups, they operate independently.”
In order to qualify as a small business, a newspaper or digital outlet must employ 1,000 staffers or fewer. David Chavern, CEO and president of News Media Alliance, told CNN Business that his trade association, which represents about 2,000 news publishers in the US and Canada, has been lobbying for exemptions. His group isadvocating for local news outlets that are part of a larger company to qualify.
Earlier this month, 18 Democratic senatorsand independent Sen. Angus King wrote a letter to Senate leaders that called for any economic stimulus package to include money for local journalism.
“In a pandemic, information is one of the absolute key resources, and we need to be sure it’s still going. I mean, I don’t view this as long-term support for local journalism, but we’re talking about getting through a crisis here,” King told CNN’sBrian Stelter on “Reliable Sources” on April 12.
Chavern said the News Media Alliance is working with the National Association of Broadcasters to push for a federal funded advertising program to support local news.
Governments in other countries have enacted similar plans to support the media industry. In March, the Canadian government announced its intention to spend $30 million on an ad campaign for coronavirus awareness.
“To get America moving again and strengthen our communities in the midst of this evolving crisis, we must be creative and use all available tools,” Monday’s letter reads. “Advertising plays an incredible role in local economies, and its importance to the sustainability of local broadcast stations and newspapers cannot be overstated.”
The latest effort was led by a bipartisan group of lawmakers, including Reps. Debbie Dingell (D-MI), Bill Flores (R-TX), Marc Veasey (D-TX), and Fred Upton (R-MI). In total, 244 lawmakers signed Monday’s letter to the President. The show of support from across the political spectrum shows that the White House’s animus toward the press is not always shared by lawmakers who rely on the local media for coverage.
As these proposals are debated in DC, Chavern said the public can support local news now by buying subscriptions.
“The value of reliable local news has never been clearer,” Chavern said. “If you want that to continue in the future, then consumers need to subscribe and pay to get that content so that it’s there not only through this crisis but for the next one.”
Back in my (brief) newspaper ownership days, media companies were prohibited from getting government-backed loans — for instance, from the U.S. Small Business Administration, even though nearly every non-daily newspaper qualifies by itself as a small business — because of the inherent conflict of interest of a media outlet being given government money. (Other than publishing legal ads, which is simply a purchase of newspaper space, with the government setting the rate.)
It is remarkable that the proponents of this seem to see no conflict of interest at all with having the government lend money to media outlets that are supposed to be covering government. (Conservatives have very little trust in National Public Radio or PBS or their state-level versions for that reason.) Unless, of course, that’s a feature, not a bug — to have media outlets financially beholden to the government they’re supposed to be covering.
I have no good answer for the problems afflicting the news media as a business. But I don’t think government funding is a very good answer.
The creator of the video mispronounced the last name of Jaqueline “bis-SET,” but otherwise the video is entertaining since it includes the key Lalo Schifrin music.
Another video compares the 1968 locations to today:
Apparently the best car chase in the history of entertainment …
William “Bill” Hale, former owner of the Grant County Herald Independent in Lancaster and several other community newspapers, died April 1, in Florida, following a long battle with cancer. He was 78.
A Missouri native, Hale was born Feb. 16, 1942. He came to Wisconsin from Pleasant Hill, Mo., where he ran The Times, which won state and national awards during his tenure.
Hale owned and published the Herald Independent for 18 years before selling his newspaper group to Morris Newspapers in 2002. At the time of the sale, he also owned The Boscobel Dial, (Gays Mills)Crawford County Independent, Fennimore TImes, and the Tri-County Press in Cuba City.
In a story published today by the Herald Independent, former employees and colleagues remembered Hale as a great publisher, community supporter and friend. These qualities were reflected in an editorial Hale wrote for his first issue of the Herald Independent. The editorial stated that while a newspaper is a business, it also must earn the public’s trust by providing the news, both good and bad.
Hale’s full obituary will be published at a later date. The pre-written obit was stored in a safe in Hale’s apartment in his senior living community, which is under lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Long-time readers of this blog know that I got my full-time start in journalism at the Herald Independent, because Bill hired me before I graduated from UW–Madison in 1988. At the time of the interview, I had worked at the Monona Community Herald (whose owner also has passed on, as well as the owner of the newspaper where I worked next), part-time for almost three years, and had a reasonably impressive set of clips with my name on them to prove that I could do the job.
(Side note: On the other hand, I almost backed out of the job. I had also applied to be the editor of the Chilton Times–Journal, and got turned down. And then whoever got hired backed out or quit early, so the owner called and asked if I wanted the job. Two of my Herald coworkers thought I could do the job, and I scheduled an interview. And then, for some reason, I decided to do some pre-interview research, and I called the previous editor, who passed on a detail that immediately made me decide to not pursue that job.)
Read “Adventures in rural ink” (which was written before my current rural employer, where I have now worked longer than my 1980s and 1990s Grant County experiences), and you’ll see the sorts of things my first full-time job and my first editor job got me into doing. There was the night I stood up in front of a school board and a crowd of around 200 people and told them they were violating the state Open Meetings Law, which brought the disapproval of the school board president, not that I cared. (That turned out to be good experience for my future encounter with Bishop Morlino.) There was my first murder trial.
Bill was an interesting guy. As the obituary reported, he had come to Wisconsin from Missouri (pronounced “miz-zur-UH”) to buy the Herald Independent, and he injected a large amount of modern newspaper into a newspaper that was stuck in a previous decade. He had a very distinctive voice, which I found out (and he later found out) I was pretty good at imitating. He (and some of his employees) smoked like a chimney, a feature of past and future coworkers as well. He also locked neither his house nor his car, and he always left his keys in the ignition switch of his cars. (Which prompted me one night, coming back from a date with the future Mrs. Presteblog, to move his car in the parking lot of the restaurant he was at, from one end to the other. I never found out if he noticed.)
It is safe to say that my life would have gone a different direction had I not started at the Herald Independent. I knew what I was doing (though one must improve with experience, perhaps contrary to what I thought at the time.) I also showed up, to be honest about it, somewhat immature, perhaps his most high-maintenance employee with, for lack of a better term, a roller-coaster attitude about my work, which, lacking much else, I probably took too personally, something that took a while to grow out of. (You’re sure about that? readers ask.)
I suspect that when my work started showing up in the Herald Independent (which was after my first appearance in the newspaper — the speeding ticket I got coming home after a stop at my grandmother’s following the interview), I was not exactly what Herald Independent readers were expecting to read. I gathered that he got a lot of feedback about my work from some people that was less than glowing, not because of lack of quality, but because I pushed some people’s buttons in the process.
I wrote a story about a hair salon that had purchased an exercise machine on which the user could lay there while the machine exercised the customer. The added touch was that they would smear upon your torso a formula that included animal placenta (I forget which animal) and then wrap you up in an Ace bandage so that you could sweat out your fat. The salon marketed at it as “The workout that won’t wear you out.” I went through the whole “workout,” and suffice to say it wasn’t the story the salon owner was expecting, though neither Bill nor the editor changed very much about the story. (To be fair, the salon’s target demographic was not a 23-year-old recent college graduate who had yet to put on the 15 pounds I gained within the first three months of graduation. More on that later.)
Not long after I started, I spent an afternoon in the courthouse during misdemeanor intake, and wrote about what the judge and the defendants did over two hours. When I was the last person there the judge asked if I had business in front of the court, and I said I didn’t. (My ticket was a couple of months earlier.) I never heard what the judge felt about my quoting a former journalism instructor of mine who observed that judges have a “God complex” while on the bench.
One year later, lacking a feature story for that week, I threw out an idea that intrigued me from National Geographic magazine, where a writer would do an in-depth piece about a community, or a road from end to end. Thus begat The Wanderer, where I tried to take that kind of approach — describe an area as if I’d never been there before — for communities within our circulation area, beginning with Cassville.
The day the newspaper reached subscribers, I got an anonymous phone call (those are the best kinds) from a reader who accused me of bias, by mentioning one of the village’s power plants, but not the other. I pointed out the only reason I mentioned the one was because it was on one end of the village, with the other end being the airport. Then she said I mentioned only one church and not the others. To which I said that was incorrect; I didn’t mention any church.
“Well, you did between the lines!” And then she hung up. Which made me reread the article to see what she was referring to. She was referring to my mention of the view of the village from the cemetery on St. Charles Road.
A few weeks later I went to Bloomington. That story didn’t go over so well among the 11 people in Bloomington who jointly signed a letter to the editor, claiming, among other things, that my mentioning the fire department’s yellow trucks was making fun of their yellow trucks. Another story about Beetown prompted the accusation I made the unincorporated community appear as if it was dumpy with nothing to do there. (If the shoe fits …)
Then there was my special relationship with the high school principal. (Who was Mrs. Presteblog’s high school principal.) I first got his attention by trying to find out the identity of the new high school boys basketball coach before his hiring was approved by the school board. Then I wrote, as part of our fall sports previews, an interview with the new high school volleyball coach in which I asked what was different between herself and her predecessor. She didn’t have an answer and suggested I talk to one of her players. I did, and got the answer that the new coach was more open and the players communicated better with her. Which I reported.
Then I got called into the principal’s office and was told that that was an inappropriate question that made himself and both coaches unhappy. He further asserted that we were supposed to only report positive news about the high school in the newspaper. I had yet to learn my defense mechanism against mandates I wasn’t going to follow — mumble something that sounded like assent and then do exactly what I was intending to do — so we had some words and went on our way for my next meeting in the principal’s office.
There was a weird aspect to this. (In my life that always seems to be the case.) At the time I had just started announcing sports for the local radio station. (Which I am still doing more than three decades later, but you knew that.) And he complimented me several times on my work, possibly because he may have confused me with someone else. (He called me “Dave” a few times.)
I wouldn’t say that I was left alone to do my own thing at the Herald Independent, but in retrospect that’s pretty much what happened. Bill would do some editing on the layout table, which never made me happy, only partly because it screwed up the page layouts. But on the other hand it is possible that doing a story about Potosi and quoting my father on the poor quality of Potosi beer toward the demise of the brand wasn’t a good idea. (The brewery and the beer returned 25 years later, and both are now doing quite well.) I wasn’t told to, for instance, cool it with the high school principal.
For three years the newspaper was most of my life, not because I was working obscenely long hours, but because I didn’t have much of a life outside of work. Being a college graduate and a former resident of comparatively cosmopolitan Madison, I had very little in common with anyone in the area besides my coworkers. So much of my social life was tied to work — dinner with Bill and his wife or Bill and the editor, adult beverages at the soon-to-be-demolished hotel, softball on the newspaper softball team (where we battled a team made up of high school students or recent graduates for last place every season), getting golf lessons (which evidently didn’t take) with Bill’s visiting son, etc.
Every election night, for instance, I called in county results to the Associated Press, for which I got extra money. We would go out to dinner beforehand. Bill’s son, who lived during the school year with his mother, visited every summer because he liked the things he could do in Southwest Wisconsin, including, I think, hanging around with the equivalent of someone’s cool relatives. Bill’s mother visited every so often. She was a fantastic cook. Then there was lunch at the Arrow Inn, which had bacon cheeseburgers and desserts. During five years at UW–Madison I gained 10 pounds. Four months after moving to Lancaster, there was 15 more pounds of Steve.
Working in Lancaster considerably changed my worldview, though I didn’t realize it at the time. Had you asked me at the time I probably would have said that I planned on being there maybe a year and before I intended to find a larger-market job and put Lancaster in the rear-view mirror. I wasn’t going to be there forever because I didn’t have anywhere I could be promoted to (say, editor, since the editor was a Lancaster native), but I was there for three years, doing some award-winning work in the process. I discovered that, unlike what surrounded me in Madison, these were people who had real lives centered on their families and their communities, and, though they may have lacked college degrees, they were smarter and certainly more wise than some people I knew with multiple degrees back in Madison. Three decades later, there is not enough money to pay me to move back to Madison, and I am not the least interested in living in any urban area.
This story would not be complete without mention of my interview with a Lancaster High School graduate who after graduation from Ripon College went to Guatemala with the Peace Corps. (Who was, though I didn’t know it at the time, friends with Bill’s stepdaughter, with whom I went to Bill’s wedding reception.) I was assigned to interview her when she came back halfway through her two-year term, and then again when she came back to stay. Upon returning to the office Bill asked me if I had asked her out. (Possibly because he was tired of hearing me bitch about my lack of social life involving women.) I thought that was ridiculous, if for no other reason than the last line of the story, that she was leaving in the fall for Washington, D.C. to find a federal government job. To make a long story short, this is the result. (Along with three children, four dogs and four cats.)
If you read “Adventures in rural ink” you know I returned for a year and a half to be a weekly newspaper co-publisher and editor. Bill was the business partner in the mention of “business partner problems.” We parted, less than happily on my end, and I didn’t see him for a decade, until on vacation I wandered back to the old newspaper office, and there he was, a year after having sold the Herald Independent to my future employer. We had a nice chat, I expressed my sympathy for the death of his wife some time earlier, and that was that.
Almost a decade later was return number two to Southwest Wisconsin. Bill came to the office a few months after I started, and he said that when my boss mentioned that he was going to hire me that Bill knew I’d do a good job. He even subscribed to the newspaper from Florida. That was the last time I saw him.
Bill’s story ends sadly, though if you consider death sad everyone’s story ends sadly. Bill’s son, my former golf (lesson) partner and softball teammate, died at 40. I am looking forward to reading Bill’s obituary, which as you noticed at the beginning he wrote himself. (Note to self …)
The sands of time tend to erode bad memories that don’t reach the level of trauma, and might polish how things used to be more than you felt at the time. There are, I believe, five of us hired by Bill who still work for the company. (Four of them are quoted here.) The new guys are now the old guys, and there is one who still might be higher-than-average-maintenance and take his work too personally, who insists on doing things correctly (as defined by himself), though he might communicate better now.
Bill hired well, and I don’t say that because he hired me. He hired a lot of local people, many of whom had no background in journalism, and trained them in quality (small-town) community journalism. He also brought in people who weren’t from the area to improve on what was already there. (Ahem.) There are a lot of awards on the walls of the newspapers he once owned as proof. He knew what a quality community newspaper was supposed to do, even if readers and advertisers sometimes didn’t grasp that.
Thanks to changes in the newspaper industry, there are fewer people like Bill in it. (The Lyke family, which ran the Ripon Commonwealth Press more like a community treasure than a newspaper, recently sold to new owners.) In addition to Bill, seven families owned newspapers in the area. One family now remains; the other newspapers are owned by my employer.
Were it not for the fact that the restaurants I used to go to are now closed (including the one with the Friday fish buffet that served as our rehearsal dinner location), it would be a good night for a few drinks and dinner in Bill’s memory.
By now you’ve heard that this is a time for “bold, persistent experimentation,” just like during the Great Depression. Let’s leave aside the fact that President Franklin Roosevelt’s constant tinkering and overhauling of the economy didn’t work anything like intended (as UCLA economic historian Lee Ohanian and others such as Amity Shlaes have argued, FDR’s policies prolonged the Depression by years).
President Donald Trump is in fact conducting a bold, persistent, real-time experiment in radical transparency by holding multi-hour-long press conferences every single day. During these things, which are being carried by various broadcast TV and radio stations and cable news channels, Trump, Vice President Mike Pence, and key members of the White House Coronavirus Task Force, such as National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases Director Anthony Fauci and Coronavirus Response Coordinator Deborah Birx, answer all questions. The exchanges are often heated and ugly, and the many moods of Donald Trump—most of them unattractive—are on full display.
But the response from the press itself is instructive. As Politico‘s Jack Shafer has written recently, for much of Trump’s tenure, the media complained that the president didn’t make himself or his surrogates available enough to the press. Indeed, when Trump’s press secretary, Stephanie Grisham, stepped down two days ago, The Washington Post led its announcement with the comment that she “is leaving the job after eight months during which she held no regular press briefings of the sort that once defined the position.” As if the public didn’t have a good read on what the president was thinking or doing, right?
And what was the response when Trump started showing up for his closeup every day? Elite press critics denounced Trump and especially the cable networks for actually carrying the press conferences. From Shafer:
Leading the pack of objectors are journalist James Fallows and J-school prof Jay Rosen, who would have the cable networks stop airing Trump’s briefings live because they’re unfiltered propaganda. Fallows has even circulated a Twitter petition backing their proposal. Washington Post media columnist Margaret Sullivan, MSNBC anchor Rachel Maddow, and others concur. Meanwhile, journalist Jonathan Alter and broadcaster Soledad O’Brien want the political press corps, which ordinarily dominate the briefings, to step aside and let science and health reporters take the lead in questioning the president at these briefings.
A progressive press watchdog group even unsuccessfully petitioned the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), which has jurisdiction to regulate content on over-the-air radio and TV programs, to force “broadcasters either stop airing them or ‘put those lies in context with disclaimers noting that they may be untrue and are unverified.’”
It’s worth pointing out, as my colleague Elizabeth Nolan Brown did earlier today, that the briefings don’t seem to be helping Trump with the electorate. Recent polls “found overall disapproval for Trump’s pandemic performance stands at 52 percent, up from 48 percent in early March, and 55 percent of Americans polled said Trump ‘could be doing more to fight the outbreak.’”
The White House is publishing a daily transcript of the press briefings, creating a public record of everything Trump and his top advisers say (go here for the archive). If you scroll through them, you’ll find the president doesn’t shy away from discussing the number of expected deaths, the disparate impact of coronavirus on blacks, what might or might not come next, and many other issues. It isn’t his fault that the press keeps asking stupid questions, such as yesterday’s moronic-yet-widely-discussed query about a pardon for Joe Exotic, the main figure in the Netflix series Tiger King.
If Trump’s daily press briefings are disturbing, it’s because of what they reveal, not what they obscure. We are in a moment when government at virtually every level—but certainly at the federal level—first failed to protect public health and then exacerbated problems with subsequent policies that banned non-state responses to the pandemic. Beyond issues of health, the federal government has, with near-unanimity, signed off on an intervention into the economy that is unprecedented in peacetime. Trust and confidence in the government were at historic lows when Trump took office—I’d argue that his election was partly an effect of such attitudes—and that’s unlikely to change anytime soon.
To his credit, Trump isn’t hiding in the shadows. If Trump’s answers are unsatisfying, perhaps it’s because nobody in Washington has good answers right now.
That is in Washington. Here in Wisconsin, Gov. Tony Evers is having news conferences. Evers and his media people are not, however, telling the news media in advance that these news conferences are taking place. Evers and his media people are also failing to include the largest chunk of state media in those news conferences — weekly newspapers, either in letting them know the news conferences are taking place or allowing them to call in and ask questions — the same opportunity being given to daily newspaper, TV and radio reporters.
The news conference in which Evers announced his Safer at Home order was instructive. The invited media types (which, again, did not include weekly newspapers, except for those who were tipped off) were allowed one question and no follow-ups. Evers deferred repeatedly to Andrea Palm, acting secretary of the state Department Human Services (a sociology graduate, by the way, not a person with any medical background), or to Evers’ legal counsel. That was necessary because Evers announced the order without very many details about what the order would allow or forbid, even at the news conference.
I believe that the Safer at Home order included the news media (which are as capable of spreading COVID-19 as anyone else) for the purpose of co-opting the news media so the news media wouldn’t ask inconvenient questions like:
Why, three days after Evers said a stay-at-home order wouldn’t be necessary, did Evers announce a stay-at-home order? What changed in three days?
Why does Evers’ Safer at Home order treat every part of the state the same when the virus is clearly more prevalent in two areas — Milwaukee and Dane counties — than anywhere else in the state?
On what grounds were certain businesses termed “essential” and others termed “non-essential”?
On what grounds were churches banned from holding services? Did Evers get guidance from any legal counsel as to whether banning church services is constitutional?
Who in DHS is giving guidance to Evers on public health actions to take? (And the side question: What does DHS consider a coronavirus death?)
All of those are questions that should be asked, but are not being asked, of the governor, by any news media outlet, regardless of that media outlet’s ideological worldview. The question that also should be asked of legislative leaders is when is the Legislature going to vote on Evers’ edicts.