Today in 1959, along came Jones to peak at number nine:
Today in 1968, here came the Judge to peak at number 88:
Today in 1985, Glenn Frey may have felt the “Smuggler’s Blues” because it peaked at number 12:
Today in 1959, along came Jones to peak at number nine:
Today in 1968, here came the Judge to peak at number 88:
Today in 1985, Glenn Frey may have felt the “Smuggler’s Blues” because it peaked at number 12:
Jason Wilde takes a few minutes with Wisconsin’s favorite quarterback, Aaron Rodgers:
Q: Brett Favre has made a lot of news lately, and you’ve talked a lot about it. Why did you decide to get involved in this? What was your thought process in not only doing the NFL Honors presentation but now continuing to be somewhat at the forefront, or being the catalyst, of this reconciliation?
Rodgers: Well first, I don’t want to be at the forefront of this. I really don’t think that’s my place. It’s the organization and Brett and retiring his number, bringing him back into the family … I just felt like I had the opportunity to bury anything that people thought had been between Brett and I. And it was an opportunity to see Brett, to talk, to reconnect beforehand and then to do something very public that was kind of making light of the situation in an atmosphere where many people, when we were announced together, probably were very surprised that one, we were on stage together, and two, that we both agreed to do it. So that was good, I think. The joke, it was almost an inside joke between Brett and I. The awkward comment was off the top of my head; it wasn’t contrived. But I think it was making light of the fact that getting to talk to him, we had patched things up, if anything needed to be patched up. I think it could and can set the tone and set things in motion for the organization and the fans – and Brett – being able to move forward. I think as the face of the franchise, it was important for me to show that I was ready to move on, and hopefully everyone else can as well.
Q: You were the one caught in the middle, though, during the summer of 2008. And we have to be careful about revisionist history here, in terms of your relationship with him when you were his backup. Did you need to hear something from him – “I’m sorry that I put you through that, that wasn’t fair to you,” something to that effect? And did you get it?
Rodgers: Well, the stuff that we talked about I’m going to keep between Brett and I. But I think that we’ve all just moved past it. We’re 4 1/2 years on the other side of that. A lot has changed around here, obviously. We’ve been able to have success as a team, I’ve been able to have some success individually. I’m very, very secure with the stuff we’ve accomplished here. And proud of it. And I’m able to give the respect that Brett deserves for the many years that he played at a high level here and what he accomplished here. This league is a league that doesn’t wait around for people. It’s a tough league; guys are here one day and gone the next. I’ve seen a lot of friends go on to different teams or go on to a different profession. And change is a constant in our business. We made a change four years ago, five years ago, but Brett had an incredible career here. It’s time to bring him back and retire his number here before he goes into Canton.
Q: Let’s talk about your contract. What does $110 million mean, exactly? We throw these numbers around with professional athletes’ contracts, but for normal people trying to pay their mortgage and put their kids through college, that kind of money unfathomable. Does it blow you away?
Rodgers: Yes, it’s humbling and silly at times to think about it. But money doesn’t change people, I don’t think. I think it highlights characteristics in your personality that maybe weren’t so visible when you didn’t have as much. So I’ve tried to remember that and stay true to who I am as a person and as a teammate. The guys have been great. There’s jokes every now and then, but I’m trying to be the same person in the locker room that I was when I was a backup and working on the scout team. It gives you an extra responsibility that you take care of the people that are important to you and realize that you have an opportunity to make an even bigger difference in your community and in your world. …
Q: In any way is the contract a burden? Do you worry about justifying the contract?
Rodgers: No, I don’t think it’s a burden. You know, I’ve felt like I’ve had to justify myself every year, so this is nothing different. I wouldn’t look at it as a burden. When they drafted me, I wanted to prove I was worthy of being a first-round draft pick. When they named me the starter, I felt like I had to prove that I was worthy of being a starter. When we went 6-10 the first year, I felt like I had to prove that I belonged in this league and we could get to the playoffs. When we didn’t win in the playoffs (in 2009), I had to prove that I could help this team win a playoff game. When we won a Super Bowl, I had to prove that it wasn’t a fluke, that we could have another good season. There’s always going to be critics and doubters out there, and it’s about finding your inner motivation, because that’s what successful people can do.
Q: So the world-famous chip on Aaron Rodgers’ shoulder hasn’t gone anywhere? You haven’t made it?
Rodgers: I’m very self-motivated. We’ve talked enough about the chip. …
Q: People who’ve been married a long time always say that the key to a long, successful marriage is that both people work at making the relationship grow, even after years together. This is now your eighth year with Mike McCarthy. That’s a long time. How do you view your relationship, and how do you grow it and strengthen it? Because there’s been some ups and downs.
Rodgers: Well, I think it has grown. I think one thing that did a lot for us was starting to meet once a week back in 2010, and spending time talking together – about football, about life. I think when you really understand a person off the field, you can better get along with them on the field. I think that’s done a lot for us. You know, he leads by example – in the way he sets up the schedule and practice, a game plan. That’s how he gets the respect from the guys. And he gets more respect from me when he shows me he trusts me by allowing me to have a bigger input on plays at the line of scrimmage or have a bigger voice in the meeting room. And I think that does a lot for the relationship. I think trust goes both ways. We’ve played a lot of football together, been around each other for a long time – me around him as a young head coach, and him around me as a young player. And now, we’re old, grizzled veterans and it’s been fun to see how both of our lives have changed on and off the field, and I think there’s nothing but good things ahead.
Q: He’s said before that he believes conflict is good because it leads to growth. Did you two see your relationship grow after you screamed at him for throwing that challenge flag in Minnesota? I don’t know how you view how you reacted to that, but it was a very emotional reaction.
Rodgers: Yeah, it was. That was definitely a conflict and we grew from it. And now, I think we can both laugh about it. Well, I laugh now. He’ll be able to laugh about it in the future, I think.
Today in 1982, Paul McCartney released “Take It Away”:
Birthdays today start with the great Lalo Schifrin:
One of the most vile things any American has ever said is the phrase “the personal is political,” the title of a 1969 essay by feminist Carol Hanisch.
That is not merely because of the implication in Hanisch’s essay that everything bad in a woman’s life is men’s fault and/or society’s fault. Sonny Bunch explains the other reason:
Whenever I touch on what I find worrisome about the politicized life—here, here, and here, for example—the most common retort is “So? It’s like, free speech man. I’m allowed to say I disagree with people. Boycotts are just capitalism.” That sort of thing. And it always leaves me shaking my head at how thoroughly they have managed to miss the point.
Look: No one is telling you that you can’t boycott people who vote a way you don’t care for. No one’s telling you it should be illegal for you to say you won’t support someone because they dared disagree with some stance you have decided is really super serial. What I am saying is that engaging in such behavior—politicizing every aspect of your life, allowing politics to determine your every move, and judging everyone you meet online and in person by how stridently they agree with the positions you support—is immensely, horribly destructive to the very fabric of our society. It inspires mistrust, hate, and fear. It tears apart the polity. And a polity torn asunder is a weak one indeed. A house divided, and all that.
Bunch quotes Elizabeth Scalia …
I recently received the following message from a stranger: “So basically, the ‘orthodox Catholic’ game you all play is just that . . . a game?” It was in reference to a Catholic man with whom I am friendly, and like very much. She had apparently read on social media that this man was planning to marry another man.
My friend had never “come out” to me, and—call me old-fashioned, or call me incurious—it had never occurred to me to ask, so the wedding plans were mildly surprising. But reading the email I thought, “Yes, so? What does this woman want me to do? Should I now hate him? Am I supposed to ‘un-friend’ him (that ridiculous term) or even publicly denounce him in order to demonstrate sufficiently ‘orthodox’ Catholic bona fides for her satisfaction? Is that what she wants?”
Well, I couldn’t do that. I like this man. Every exchange I have ever had with him, in person or online has been pleasant, very kind and sweet-natured. The world needs all the pleasant, kind and sweet-natured people it can get, and I wasn’t going to give one up in order to prove myself to some scold I didn’t even know.
… and adds:
In other words, a woman had taken it upon herself to write up a stranger and demand that she denounce a friend in order to prove her purity. Sans an affirmation of righteousness, how could this poor wretch allow Scalia into her life? How could she enjoy Scalia’s writings on PRISM or pet dogs or Bobby Kennedy if she didn’t first publicly shame this awful gay for getting married?
Bunch also quotes Rod Dreher:
What a strange culture we live in, in which people are expected to approve of everything those they love believe in and do, or be guilty of betraying that love. I have friends and family whose core beliefs on politics, sexuality, religion, etc., are not the same as my own, and it would not occur to me in the slightest to love them any less because of it. I hope it would not occur to them to love me any less because they don’t agree with me. People are somehow more than the sum of their beliefs and actions.
Growing up in the Deep South is good training for developing the kind of conscience that can love sinners despite their sin. Every younger person, white and black, knows at least one old white person who holds immoral views on race, but who is also, in other ways, a kind, generous, and upstanding person. Are we to condemn them wholesale for their moral blindness on this one issue? How fair is that? More to the point, how truthful is that, given that all of us are morally blind in one way or another, and depend on the mercy of others, hoping that they will love us and accept us despite our sins, failings, and errors. Once you start pulling at that thread, and deciding who you are and aren’t going to love and live in relationship with because they’ve transgressed an important moral boundary, who knows where it will end?
Exhibit A in this overemphasis on politics is Wisconsin in the past two years of Recallarama. (The disease that infests the People’s Republic of Madison extended to the entire state.) Businesses whose employees dared to contribute money to Gov. Scott Walker or Republicans were boycotted. And then they were “buycotted.” Friendships ended over a vote by politicians. Families, at least extended families, found that state politics, of all things, needed to become a taboo topic. As I’ve written before, Recallarama became so nasty that I am honestly surprised no one was killed by the end of the 2012 elections.
The latest example was the appointment, and then de-appointment, last week of UW–Platteville student Josh Inglett as one of the two students on the UW System Board of Regents. Inglett’s appointment was rescinded after conservatives discovered that Inglett had signed one of the gubernatorial recall petitions, even though, as later reported, he apparently didn’t vote in the gubernatorial recall election.
Independent of whether or not a governor has the right to appoint people who actually represent his points of view (he does), and independent of whether or not the Walker administration thoroughly vets its appointees (apparently not), and independent of whether or not this is definitive proof that government run by either party is far too large (it is), we appear in this state to have reached the nadir, even months after the end of the Recallarama Cycles of Elections, of tolerance of political points of view that don’t match our own. Comrade Soglin of the People’s Republic of Madison is trying to create a blacklist of would-be contractors to the city who fail to hew to the liberal line. Are “Recall Walker” bumper stickers still found on the backs of cars out of owner laziness or spite?
Bunch concludes:
What madness is this? How can we expect to have a fully functioning society if we spend all of our time adjudicating whether or not the people we read and the culture we consume is of the correct political persuasion?
This is a horribly corrosive state of affairs. And, I fear, it’s not going away any time soon.
The National Journal’s Ron Fournier:
There is a common element to the so-called Obama scandals—the IRS targeting of conservatives, the fatal attack in Benghazi, and widespread spying on U.S. journalists and ordinary Americans. It is a lack of credibility.
In each case, the Obama administration has helped make controversies worse by changing its stories, distorting facts, and lying.
The abuse of trust may be taking a toll on President Obama’s reputation.
A CNN/ORC poll of 1,104 adult Americans June 11-13 shows the president’s job approval rating at 45 percent, down 8 percentage points in a month.
Among young voters, only 48 percent approve of the president’s performance, a 17-point decline since the last CNN/ORC poll. These are the president’s most loyal supporters, and the future of American politics. …
Voters don’t judge their leaders on the basis of one or two policies, and their decisions often seem at odds with what elites consider to be their “self-interests.” Especially when it comes to the presidency, Americans tend to trust their guts, and in Obama’s case, lately, something doesn’t feel right. Can I trust this guy?
A month into Obama’s presidency, 74 percent of Americans answered “yes,” saying the terms “honest and trustworthy” applied to him. As you would expect, the percentage dropped a few months later but had remained steady at about 60 percent since November 2009, according to CNN/ORC.
This month, only 49 percent of Americans say Obama is honest and trustworthy. That is a 9-point drop since May 17-18. …
Obama can take solace in the fact that the CNN/ORC survey is just one poll. Others may show that his credibility has not slipped, although Democratic pollsters tell me privately the CNN/ORC findings reflect their own.
If this poll is part of a trend, Obama still may be able to recover. But he would need to take immediate steps to show accountability, transparency, and credibility.
No more slow-walking the truth as the White House did with the cause of the Benghazi attacks and with the names of West Wing officials notified about IRS targeting.
No more lies, such as the IRS claiming for months that the targeting did not take place, and Director of National Intelligence James Clapper denying the existence of the NSA programs weeks before they were revealed.
No more doublespeak such as the president earnestly claiming, “Your duly elected representatives have consistently been informed” of the NSA programs. He knew that wasn’t quite true, or should have known.
Obama needs to take action, too.
The IRS scandal needs to be aggressively investigated, with the seizure of White House and Obama campaign e-mails as well as interviews, under oath, with members of Obama’s team. Those responsible for the abuse must be punished.
The USA Patriot Act needs to be debated and amended, and the public needs to be part of that debate.
My high school political science teacher, Jim Skaggs, passes on Pascal Bruckner:
Consider the meaning in contemporary jargon of the famous carbon footprint that we all leave behind us. What is it, after all, if not the gaseous equivalent of Original Sin, of the stain that we inflict on our Mother Gaia by the simple fact of being present and breathing? We can all gauge the volume of our emissions, day after day, with the injunction to curtail them, just as children saying their catechisms are supposed to curtail their sins.
Ecologism, the sole truly original force of the past half-century, has challenged the goals of progress and raised the question of its limits. It has awakened our sensitivity to nature, emphasized the effects of climate change, pointed out the exhaustion of fossil fuels. Onto this collective credo has been grafted a whole apocalyptic scenography that has already been tried out with communism, and that borrows from Gnosticism as much as from medieval forms of messianism. Cataclysm is part of the basic tool-kit of Green critical analysis, and prophets of decay and decomposition abound. They beat the drums of panic and call upon us to expiate our sins before it is too late.
This fear of the future, of science, and of technology reflects a time when humanity, and especially Western humanity, has taken a sudden dislike to itself. We are exasperated by our own proliferation and can no longer stand ourselves. Whether we want to be or not, we are tangled up with seven billion other members of our species. Rejecting both capitalism and socialism, ecologism has come to power almost nowhere. But it has won the battle of ideas. The environment is the new secular religion that is rising, in Europe especially, from the ruins of a disbelieving world. We have to subject it to critical evaluation in turn and unmask the infantile disease that is eroding and discrediting it: catastrophism.
Numerous authors tell us that humanity as a whole has gone off-course, and that it has to be understood as an illness that must be immediately treated: “Man is a cancer on the earth, … a throwaway species, like the civilization he invented,” writes Yves Paccalet. And Nicolas Hulot, the French environmentalist, writes: “The enemy does not come from outside, it resides within our system and our consciousnesses.”
For the past half-century we have, in fact, been witnessing a slide from one scapegoat to another: Marxism designated capitalism as responsible for human misery. Third-worldism, upset by the bourgeoisification of the working classes, substituted the West for capitalism as the great criminal in history and the “inventor” of slavery, colonialism, and imperialism.
With ecologism, we move up a notch: The guilty party is humanity itself, in its will to dominate the planet. Here there is a return to the fundamentals of Christianity: Evil is the pride of the creatures who are in revolt against their Creator and who exceed their prerogatives. The three scapegoats can be cumulated: Ecologism can reject the capitalism invented by a West that preys on peoples and destroys the earth. It is a system of Russian dolls that fit one inside the other until the final synthesis is reached. That is why so many old Bolsheviks are converting to ecologism in order to broaden their palette of accusations. This amounts to recycling anticapitalist clichés as one recycles wastewater: Ecologism adds a supplementary layer of reprobation, claiming to be the culmination of all earlier critiques.
Thus a whole segment of the South American left has seized upon this hobbyhorse to reinforce its credo: “We have two paths: either capitalism dies, or Mother Earth dies,” said Evo Morales, president of Bolivia. The globe becomes the new proletarian that has to be saved from exploitation, if need be by reducing the human population to 500 million, as some opponents of “speciesism” proclaim. Consider the Voluntary Human Extinction Movement (Vhemt), a group of individuals who have decided not to reproduce themselves …
The despondency is striking, given that our lives are still extraordinarily pleasant. Everywhere the culture of lament prevails. We have to wear grave expressions on our faces and wrinkle our brows: The perils are so numerous that we can hardly choose among them. Sounding the death knell is our viaticum. Saving the world requires us to denigrate everything that has to do with the spirit of enterprise and the taste for discovery, especially in the field of science. We have ceased to admire; we know only how to denounce, decry, whine. The capacity for enthusiasm is dying out.
That is because at the turn of the 21st century a paradigm change took place: The long list of emblematic victims—Jews, blacks, slaves, proletarians, colonized peoples—was gradually replaced by the planet, which has become the paragon of all the wretched. It is not a specific community that we are asked to identify with, but rather a small spaceship that carries us and groans. It is no longer a question of transforming the world but of preserving it. …
All the foolishness of Bolshevism, Maoism, and Trotskyism are somehow reformulated exponentially in the name of saving the planet. Authors, journalists, politicians, scientists compete in announcing the abominable and lay claim to a hyperlucidity: They alone see things correctly, whereas others vegetate in the slumber from which they will someday awaken, terrified. They alone have emerged from the cave of ignorance in which the human herd mills around, deaf and blind to the obvious. …
The fear is permanent, its object is purely contingent; yesterday it was the millennium bug, today it is global warming and nuclear energy, tomorrow it will be something else. This alarmism is as lazy as naïve optimism and no less illusory. The adepts of the worst-case scenario are still the victims of a fantasy of omnipotence: For them, to prognosticate a hateful destiny is to ward it off. It is one thing to teach the science of catastrophe as a science of reacting to and resisting disproportionate misfortunes; it is another to believe that we will be able to cope with mistakes by forecasting them.
In this rhetorical intoxication, the future becomes again, as it had once been in Christianity and communism, a tool of blackmail. The Catholic religion asked us to sacrifice our present joys for the sake of gaining eternal life, while Marxism asked us to forget our bourgeois happiness and embrace instead the classless society. Ecology calls upon us to adopt a rigorous diet in the name of future generations. …
In environmentalist propaganda, this kind of logic consists in reversing values: Since wealth leads to despair, need ought to elicit a return of hope. In fact, the progress of the material standard of living in the United States has been accompanied by an undeniable decrease in real happiness among most Americans. Conclusion: Since having more means being less, having less will mean being more. A marvelous acrobatic act: We have to voluntarily deprive ourselves in order to enrich ourselves spiritually. Subtraction as amplification! …
You will need to get rid of your car, take showers instead of baths (and the showers must be limited to four minutes; little hourglasses are sold for the purpose), stop buying imported fruit and vegetables, practice “locavorism” (that is, eat only locally produced food), decrease or even halt your consumption of meat and fish, avoid the elevator and even the refrigerator.
Each of us has to kill the frenetic consumer within us, for he is the scruffy wretch who through his greed is causing the melting of the polar icecaps, the rise in sea level, tremors in the earth’s crust, acid rain, and who knows what else.
Are you cold in the winter? Put on a sweater, for heaven’s sake, instead of turning up the heat, and go to bed early. Yves Cochet, a member of the European Parliament, tells us: “We have to manage to live with 50 percent less electricity. … We have to take maximum advantage of daylight.” And our friend of humanity further suggests a surtax on those who make excessive use of electricity and heating systems. Are we going to set up police brigades that are responsible for switching off electricity and enforcing a curfew?
What is worrisome about ecologism is that it energetically insinuates itself into the most intimate aspects of our lives—our eating habits and our clothing—the better to control them. The project here is authoritarian. On reading its recommendations, we can almost hear the heavy door of a dungeon closing behind us. …
The friends of the earth have for too long been enemies of humanity; it is time for an ecology of admiration to replace an ecology of accusation.
Save the world, we hear everywhere: Save it from capitalism, from science, from consumerism, from materialism. Above all, we have to save the world from its self-proclaimed saviors, who brandish the threat of great chaos in order to impose their lethal impulses. Behind their clamor we must hear the will to demoralize us the better to enslave us. What is at stake is the pleasure of living together on this planet that will survive us, whatever we do to it. We need trailblazers and stimulators, not killjoys disguised as prophets.
The Wisconsin State Journal reports that legislative Democrats are trying to get Republicans to vote against the state budget.
The Democrats have succeeded in one case, but not for reasons they’d agree with — Rep. Steve Nass (R–Whitewater):
“Since the Republican leadership is opposed to any substantive changes in their version of the state budget and determined to block any attempts by the rank-and-file members for common sense conservative improvements, I must prioritize the views of my constituents by voting against this flawed two-year spending plan,” Nass said.
Nass noted on the structural deficit that Republican leaders appear ready to repeat history by adopting the same horrible 1990s rhetoric of claiming “we can grow our way out of deficit spending.” This proven unsound fiscal policy created nearly 16 years of ongoing Wisconsin deficits topping out at more than $3.6 billion. Rep. Nass has voted against previous state budgets (Republican or Democrat) that contained structural deficits.
“The parental school choice deal in this budget is great for the politicians that cut it behind closed doors. However, it’s nothing short of an absolute cave-in to the status-quo defenders of the education bureaucracy in the State Senate. The low income families of this state will have the school door of hope slammed in their face if this deal becomes law,” Nass said.
Nass pointed out that this bad deal could easily be cleaned up in large part by the Governor’s formidable veto powers. However, Sen. [Mike] Ellis and Sen. [Luther] Olsen wouldn’t have agreed to this backroom deal unless they had a commitment from the administration on no vetoes in this language.
This is a no-lose move for Nass, similar to two years ago, when Rep. Travis Tranel (R–Cuba City) voted against the public employee collective bargaining ban. The budget will pass given the large Republican majority in the Assembly, even without Nass’ vote. The budget will eventually pass in the Senate too, even with the GOP’s Gang of Three, Ellis, Olsen and Sen. Dale Schultz (R–Richland Center), who apparently enjoy tweaking the majority when they’re part of the majority.
Nass is correct about the structural deficit. The fact the state did grow out of structural deficits for a while only encouraged them, which led to the crash in state finances during the 2009–10 Legislature. I disagree with Nass about the school choice expansion, because, as I wrote here last week, I think once the program is in place, Republicans will campaign about expanding it, and Democrats will have a difficult time arguing against the expansion of what will become a popular program.
The tax cut is only about half as large as it should be, given Gov. James Doyle’s $2.2 billion tax increase. And since we have no meaningful controls on governmental spending, state and local governments spend twice as much as they should. Growth in government spending beyond inflation (which has been minimal for years) and population growth is unjustified.
As the Legislature starts working on the state budget (and remember Otto von Bismarck’s observation about laws and sausages), the MacIver Institute reminds us of our tax hell: