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No comments on Presty the DJ for Oct. 16
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The number one single today in 1964:
The number one single today in 1966:
Today in 1971, Rick Nelson was booed at Madison Square Garden in New York when he dared to sing new material at a concert. That prompted him to write …
If I told you the number one British album today in 1983 was “Genesis,” I would have given you the artist and the title:
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The number one song today in 1957 was the Everly Brothers’ first number one:
The number one British single today in 1960 was a song originally written in German sung by an American:
The number one album today in 1967 is about an event that supposedly took place on my birthday:
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The Packers, winners of 13 NFL championships and four Super Bowls, go to Minnesota Sunday to play the Vikings, who have 13 fewer NFL titles and four fewer Super Bowl wins.
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The number one British album today in 1973 was the Rolling Stones’ “Goats Head Soup,” despite (or perhaps because of) the BBC’s ban of one of its songs, “Star Star”:
Who shares a birthday with my brother (who celebrated his sixth birthday, on a Friday the 13th, by getting chicken pox from me)? Start with Paul Simon:
Robert Lamm plays keyboards — or more accurately, the keytar — for Chicago:
Sammy Hagar:
Craig McGregor of Foghat:
John Ford Coley, formerly a duet with England Dan Seals:
Rob Marche played guitar for the Jo Boxers, who …
One death of note: Ed Sullivan, whose Sunday night CBS-TV show showed off rock and roll (plus Topo Gigio and Senor Wences) to millions, died today in 1974:
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Steve Bannon to Sean Hannity this week, discussing efforts to recruit primary challengers to incumbent Republican senators: “Nobody’s safe. We’re coming after all of them.”
If every Republican senator is going to get a primary challenger backed by Bannon, no matter what, then what’s the incentive to vote Bannon’s way between now and Election Day?
The problem for the Trump administration is not really one of insufficiently loyal or cooperative Republican senators. Peruse the tables over at Five-Thirty-Eight about how often GOP senators vote the way the Trump administration prefers. Fifteen Republican senators have voted with the White House 95.9 percent of the time. The least “loyal” Republican senator is Susan Collins of Maine, and even she has voted with the White House position 79 percent of the time. The most cooperative Democrat has been Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who votes with the White House position 55 percent of the time.
Apparently the angry populists can’t read a chart. If the Trump administration wants to get more legislation passed by the Senate, it doesn’t need different Republicans; it needs more Republicans. Replacing the most cooperative Democrat with the least cooperative Republican will still get a vote going your way an additional 24 percent of the time. A person who really wanted to see the Trump agenda become law would skip over the primary challenges and focus entirely on unseating the half-dozen or so vulnerable Democratic senators in 2018.
No, the Bannon argument is entirely about style. Barrasso is an even-tempered, soft-spoken statesman and that sort of lawmaker doesn’t hold the interests of the angry populists. This is an argument about aesthetics masquerading as one about ideology and policy. The angry populists want to be entertained. They want drama. They prefer Roy Moore suddenly pulling out a handgun on stage. A good portion of people probably tuned out the paragraph up there because it involves numbers and percentages. Barrasso feels like an establishment squish to them, so he’s got to go.
Steve Bannon wants to send former Congressman Michael Grimm back to the House of Representatives, describing Grimm as “a straight-talking, fire-breathing, conservative populist.” Perhaps, but he’s also a convicted tax felon who served seven months in prison and who admitted in court to hiring illegal immigrants at a restaurant he co-owned. I thought the populist revolution was supposed to go after employers who hire illegal immigrants. But Grimm is an angry guy who once threatened to throw a reporter off a balcony, so I guess he gets a pass. Aesthetics!
One of those aforementioned Democrats who should be vulnerable is Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D–Wisconsin), whose news releases have suddenly included the word “bipartisan” in the past few months, when no one with a brain would consider her to be even remotely moderate.
Wisconsin has a tradition of politicians who don’t necessarily toe the party line when their party is in power. Sen. Dale Schultz (R–Richland Center) claimed he voted Republican 87 percent of the time, but the times he didn’t generally were when the GOP had a narrow majority. Sen. Mike Ellis (R–Neenah) was similar, and U.S. Sen. John McCain (R–Arizona) seems to have given himself that role in the current Senate. It’s an obvious strategy to give yourself more power, which may make sense in competitive districts or state, as well as having the ability to have things both ways by claiming you voted against something (Act 10 in Schultz’s case) that became law anyway. The only way to counter that is to make each member of the Senate majority have less power by having more Republican senators.
The GOP has bigger issues than trying to get rid of senators who vote with Trump only 95.9 percent of the time. This, from the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, ought to alarm Republicans:
U.S. Rep. Glenn Grothman said Monday he’s worried about his re-election prospects.
“I am very apprehensive about the future. Right now it’s kind of the calm before the storm. The fundraising is not going as well as I’d like,” the Glenbeulah Republican told WISN-AM (1130) host Jay Weber.
He added: “When you talk nationwide about the Republicans losing the House next time, this is one of the seats that’s going to be in play.”
It is rare for politicians to talk so candidly about fundraising struggles and their risks at the ballot box, especially when they hold a seat that is viewed as solidly being in their party’s hands.
Grothman said his opponent, Democrat Dan Kohl, has paid staff and is “far ahead” of him in running his campaign.
“Well, we’re not raising as much money as we should,” Grothman said. “I’m getting around the district. I’m getting a good response, but a lot of people don’t realize this is the toughest race of my political career. People can say I’m popular right now, but when you turn on the TV and every 10 minutes there’s an ad saying, ‘Glenn Grothman doesn’t like women, Glenn Grothman doesn’t like children, Glenn Grothman doesn’t like whatever, whatever, whatever,’ it’s going to become a very difficult race very quickly.”
In an interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel later in the day, Grothman said he was a hard worker and expected to win re-election. He said he faces a tougher run this year because Kohl, who is the nephew of former U.S. Sen. Herb Kohl, comes from a wealthy family and can tap into donations from rich donors.
“He knows rich guys from New York or Miami or Los Angeles that I don’t know,” he said. “Obviously, it’s tough running against a guy from such a wealthy family.”
Grothman had $247,000 on hand as of the end of June, according to his most recent filing with the Federal Election Commission. Grothman’s campaign said that figure had grown to about $325,000 by the end of September.
Kohl had $245,000 in the bank at the end of June, according to his report. By the end of September, he had more than $390,000 on hand, according to his campaign manager, Rick Coelho.
The Sixth Congressional District hasn’t been represented by a Democrat since the 1960s, and has had only one Democrat in office since the 1930s. If Grothman is indeed in trouble, that’s a really bad sign for Republicans. Of course, it’s one thing for Uncle Herb to buy a Senate seat in a more or less bipartisan state; it’s another thing to try to buy a House seat in what should be a firmly Republican area.
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This time of year is when I start to make multiple electronic media appearances on the same day.
My radio Friday begins at 8 a.m. when I am on Wisconsin Public Radio’s Ideas Network for its Week in Review segment. I will be either the third or the fourth person to appear with the new morning host, Kate Archer Kent, who took over following Joy Cardin’s retirement Sept. 29.
As I’ve said for almost a decade (I started appearing on WPR, believe it or don’t, in 2008), whoever is hosting the morning show and all the other Ideas Network programming (including my favorite, Old Time Radio Drama Saturdays and Sundays from 8 to 11 p.m.) can be heard on WLBL (930 AM) in Auburndale, WHID (88.1 FM) in Green Bay, WHWC (88.3 FM) in Menomonie, WRFW (88.7 FM) in River Falls, WEPS (88.9 FM) in Elgin, Ill., WHAA (89.1 FM) in Adams, WHBM (90.3 FM) in Park Falls, WHLA (90.3 FM) in La Crosse, WRST (90.3 FM) in Oshkosh, WHAD (90.7 FM) in Delafield, W215AQ (90.9 FM) in Middleton, KUWS (91.3 FM) in Superior, WHHI (91.3 FM) in Highland, WSHS (91.7 FM) in Sheboygan, WHDI (91.9 FM) in Sister Bay, WLBL (91.9 FM) in Wausau, W275AF (102.9 FM) in Ashland, W300BM (107.9 FM) in Madison, and of course online at www.wpr.org.
Since as you know I always seem to appear around holidays, this appearance, besides being Friday the 13th …
… is on International Skeptics Day (and it’s always important to be skeptical where politics is concerned), National Egg Day, and my brother’s birthday, one day before Be Bald and Free Day and National Dessert Day, and two days before Mrs. Presteblog’s birthday.
Less than 12 hours later I will be announcing my last high school football game of the regular season — River Ridge (the former Bloomington/West Grant co-op until the two school districts merged) at Benton/Scales Mound, the nation’s first two-state co-op team (whose first game I did earlier this season), at X107-1.com. River Ridge must win to clinch a playoff berth, which makes it worthwhile listening for that reason alone.
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We begin with an entry from the It Seemed Like a Good Idea at the Time Dept.: Today in 1956, Chrysler Corp. launched its 1957 car lineup with a new option: a record player. The record player didn’t play albums or 45s, however; it played only seven-inch discs at 16⅔ rpm. Chrysler sold them until 1961.
Today in 1957, Little Richard was on an Australian tour when he publicly renounced rock and roll and embraced religion and announced he was going to record Gospel music from now on. The conversion was the result of his praying during a flight when one of the plane’s engines caught fire.
Little Richard returned to rock and roll five years later.
The number one song today in 1963:
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It’s always been true, as gun restrictionists have repeatedly promised, that “nobody’s going to take your guns away.” But few gun owners have ever believed that was from lack of intent; it was always from the absence of any practical way of implementing such a taking. That’s become increasingly clear in the wake of the truly horrific Mandalay Bay massacre as open calls for repealing the Second Amendment’s protection for self-defense, and even for banning privately owned guns, get louder.
And still, the increasingly open prohibitionists haven’t come up with a proposal to make their plans stick.
Perhaps most prominent is Bret Stephens, a conservative columnist at the New York Times. He pointed to Stephen Paddock’s rampage in Las Vegas, as well as some alleged correlations between firearms ownership and homicide (contradicted by other research), dismissed most gun control efforts as “feckless,” and called on America to “Repeal the Second Amendment” or else “Expansive interpretations of the right to bear arms will be the law of the land—until the ‘right’ itself ceases to be.”
And what’s the point of stripping way part of the Bill of Rights if you’re not going to then pass restrictive laws previously barred by the deleted provision? Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) makes no secret of her long-time desire to outlaw anything made of metal with a hole in it. Senator Chris Murphy (D-CT) sees every intrusive law as only “a first step on gun control.” Progressive documentary filmmaker Michael Moore wants to repeal the Second Amendment, and won’t rest until “All automatic and semi-automatic guns are banned” and “guns must be stored at a licensed gun club or government-regulated gun storage facility.” The New Yorker‘s Adam Gopnik wants “no truce with the Second Amendment.” And the New Republic‘s Phoebe Maltz Bovy says “It’s Time to Ban Guns. Yes, All of Them.”—in a demand originally published in 2015, but reissued by her publication last week. Taking the anti-gun crusade right up to 11, hereditary celebrity Nancy Sinatra thinks “the murderous members of the NRA should face a firing squad.”
Well, that should certainly convince gun owners of the desirability of compromise and of surrendering their property.
But, contrary to Stephens’ assertions, expansive interpretations of rights don’t depend on black-letter protections under the law. People around the world assert a right to free speech even in places where the exercise of the same is harshly punished. The same-sex marriage that the Times columnist rightly cites as a major political accomplishment was fought for by people who considered it their right long before the law recognized it in any way. The idea that rights exist naturally and independently of political protections is a long American tradition, extending well before Thomas Jefferson wrote “all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness” and through Joe Biden’s 2008 assertion that “I believe my rights are not derived from the Constitution. My rights are not derived from any government. My rights are not denied by any majority. My rights are because I exist.” Repeal the Second Amendment, and you’re not telling gun owners that their right has been eliminated; you’re telling them that the legal and political system under which they live is hostile to rights they take as inherent, and that they’ll now have to be more vigilant than ever.
That’s assuming that a philosophical basis is required to inspire people to acquire and keep weapons. That’s not necessarily so.
We don’t know whether many Germans, for instance, believe in a natural right to bear arms, but we do know that Germany offers no legal guarantees for such a right. The country’s laws are rather restrictive, too. Yet the country’s roughly 82 million people own about 5.8 million legal firearms and 20 million illegal ones as of 2016, according to the Sydney School of Public Health’s GunPolicy.org. The Geneva-based Small Arms Survey has similar numbers, putting the 2003 figures at 7.2 million legal weapons and 17-20 million illegal ones. For France’s 67 million people, GunPolicy.org puts legal firearms at 2.8 million for 2016, and guesstimates 7.2 million illegal ones. Small Arms Survey agrees on the legal figure, but puts illegal firearms in France at 15 to 17 million.
Neither France nor Germany has anything like a Second Amendment, but millions of inhabitants of both countries arm themselves with firearms nevertheless, either because they remain committed to a philosophical right to do so, or because they just think it’s a good idea. And they acquire and keep those guns largely in defiance of laws intended to disarm them.
Does anybody really believe that Americans steeped in a culture of natural rights and a history of personal armament will be more compliant than Europeans with no such heritage?
Illegally armed though many Germans may be, they remain remarkably peaceful, with a homicide rate of 0.8 per 100,000 people and a gun homicide rate of 0.05 per 100,000 people, according to GunPolicy.org’s latest figures. France has a homicide rate of 0.6 per 100,000 and a gun homicide rate of 0.22 per 100,000. Remember, this is in countries containing millions of guns, most owned illegally. By contrast, the rate of total homicide in the U.S. is 4.96 per 100,000 and gun homicides are 3.43 per 100,000, by GunPolicy.org’s numbers.
So, French and Germans are less murderous overall than Americans (even after several decades of general declining violent crime in the U.S.), and remain less murderous despite possessing impressive illegal armories. And those armories are of a size to make the difference in violent crime rates even more stark. Could something else–say cultural factors–be at work here?
The social psychologist Steven Pinker, author of The Better Angels of Our Nature, thinks so. He believes that America’s frontier experience, with people settling well ahead of a government presence, makes a big difference. “The United States has a higher rate of violence, partly because large parts of the country were in a state of anarchy until the 20th century. People could not count on the government to protect them,” he told an interviewer in 2011. “When governments did arrive, people were reluctant to hand over their self-protection. And because the first government in America was a democracy, people were able to impose their wishes. In European countries, first the government disarmed the people and exerted its control many hundred years ago. Then the people democratized the government, but by then the government had already established control.”
Which is to say that, relative to our European friends, Americans are a bit feral, violent, and resistant to control. Are we more resistant to control than the French and Germans who peacefully flout their countries’ laws? Could be. History doesn’t suggest that repealing the Second Amendment and saying “bring ’em in” has much of a path to success.
When in 1990 New Jersey imposed an “assault weapons” ban on the possession of semiautomatic rifles with certain cosmetic features that give them a military look, the response was underwhelming. One year later, the New York Times reported that of the estimated 100,000 to 300,000 affected weapons in the state, “Only four military-style weapons have been turned in to the State Police and another 14 were confiscated. The state knows the whereabouts of fewer than 2,000 other guns.”
More recently, after 2008’s Heller decision supposedly took the most draconian gun restrictions off the table by reaffirming the Second Amendment’s protection of individual right to own weapons, Connecticut passed a comparatively less restrictive registration requirement. Owners responded by telling the state about their possession of “as little as 15 percent of the rifles classified as assault weapons owned by Connecticut residents,” according to the Hartford Courant.
“If you pass laws that people have no respect for and they don’t follow them, then you have a real problem,” commented Sen. Tony Guglielmo (R-Stafford).
New York followed up with a similar law of its own that achieved perhaps 5 percent compliance.
“What these numbers expose is that, if there are people who are wilfully ignoring the law, that means tens of thousands of gun owners are not complying with a law that is supported by New Yorkers,” huffed Leah Gunn Barrett of New Yorkers Against Gun Violence.
Those overwhelming failures of restrictive gun laws came in three of the most gun-unfriendly states in the country. Two of them came after the Supreme Court issued assurances that total bans were off the table. What do Bret Stephens, Feinstein, Maltz Bovy, Moore, and company (the less said of Sinatra, the better) think is going to happen in the unlikely event that they successfully navigate the constitutional requirements to repeal part of the Bill of Rights and its legal protections? Do they expect people in Arizona, Texas, Vermont and other more gun-friendly regions to meekly respond to the removal of the Second Amendment’s protections? Or are they likely to dig in their heels?
If it’s true that Americans are culturally more violent and less submissive to state power than some overseas cousins, their violent inclination are unlikely to respond easily to legal revisions. And they probably ought not be provoked by politicians and pundits who have no apparent plan, except to antagonize a good many people around them.
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The number one song today in 1975 (and I remember when it was number one) was credited to Neil Sedaka, with a big assist to Elton John, making it arguably Sedaka’s most rock-like song even with flutes:
The number one album today in 1980 was the Police’s “Zenyattà Mondatta”: