• Presty the DJ for Feb. 9

    February 9, 2018
    Music

    The number one single today in 1963:

    Today in 1964, three years to the day from their first appearance as the Beatles, the Beatles made their first appearance on CBS-TV’s Ed Sullivan Shew:

    The number one single today in 1974 could be found for years on ABC-TV golf tournaments:

    The number one single today in 1991:

    (more…)

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  • A novel legislative concept

    February 8, 2018
    Wisconsin politics

    The MacIver Institute.

    Election year campaigning may cut this winter legislative session short, but conservatives say there’s much to accomplish before lawmakers head home.

    And they say liberty and free markets should guide legislation the rest of the way.

    “We need to be consistent with our principles. We support free markets. We support the little guy,” said state Rep. Dale Kooyenga (R-Brookfield).

    On The Mark

    If conservatives truly crave consistency, they’ll pass long-languishing legislation that would roll back at least some of the anti-consumer, anti-competitive elements of Wisconsin’s Unfair Sales Act – commonly known as the “minimum markup” law.

    “We’ve kicked this down the road at least three sessions. It’s a horrible policy that not only harms consumers but businesses,” said Rep. Rob Hutton.
    Minimum markup is a relic of the Great Depression. The law essentially makes it illegal for retailers and wholesalers to sell merchandise at a steep discount. It also mandates that gasoline and other certain products be marked up at least 9.18 percent above the wholesale cost.

    Retailers face steep fines for selling goods under the artificially higher prices.

    Last legislative session, Sen. Leah Vukmir (R-Brookfield) and Rep. Jim Ott (R-Mequon) introduced a bill that would eliminate the law. The repeal bill did not receive even a public hearing in either house.

    Vukmir’s latest attempt to repeal minimum markup – at least on prescription drugs and certain types of merchandise – looks like it may be heading for the same fate. Republicans whose campaign coffers have benefitted immensely from retailers that enjoy a state-mandated profit margin thanks to minimum markup have effectively stalled movement on the legislation.

    “I don’t see it this session,” said Rep. Rob Hutton (R-Brookfield). “I’m really disappointed. We’ve kicked this down the road at least three sessions. It’s a horrible policy that not only harms consumers but businesses.”

    Minimum markup is a relic of the Great Depression. The law essentially makes it illegal for retailers and wholesalers to sell merchandise at a steep discount.

    Vukmir said Wisconsin businesses remain at a competitive disadvantage against out-of-state retailers.

    “The mandated cost markup on prescription drugs and merchandise results in Wisconsin seniors and families paying more for their goods. Eliminating this additional cost is in the best interest of Wisconsinites.”

    ‘Best Fiscal Reform Going’

    Base budgeting review, one of the more potentially impactful reform measures, appears poised for passage, although it hasn’t been without delay.

    The bill, authored by State Sen. Dave Craig (R-Town of Vernon) and Hutton, requires state government agencies, the courts and the Legislature to periodically review – and justify – their budgets.

    Legislators in the current budget process primarily debate adjustments to spending increases for each agency but never discuss the justification to the original base budget. The bill requires agencies periodically reexamine whether programs and expenditures are “meeting the mission statement of the agency.”

    Craig tells MacIver News Service that chances are good the bill will come to a final Senate vote during the Feb. 20 floor session. It will be the Senate’s second swipe at the the Base Budget Review bill, which was dropped last month from the Assembly Committee on State Affairs executive committee agenda literally in the 11th hour.

    An amended version of the bill won passage in the Assembly last month, forcing legislation back to the Senate.

    “I think it’s the best fiscal reform that we’ve got going,” Craig said. “The budget is the most serious piece of legislation we put forward. We have to be very diligent, making prudent decisions. How can you make prudent decisions unless you are constantly evaluating the budgets of agencies?”

    More Oversight

    Another Craig reform measure would provide greater oversight to agencies using so-called guidance documents used to set policy. Craig and critics of the practice say agencies use the documents to bypass legislative oversight and review.

    The same problems occurred during the Obama administration, when agencies stopped creating rules and instead issued “guidance.” U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Oshkosh) introduced a bill last month he calls the Guidance Out Of Darkness (GOOD) Act. It would require all federal agencies to post their guidance on special webpages where Congress, and the public, can easily review them.

    “This common-sense bill would provide much needed transparency to American businesses and consumers,” Johnson said in a press release.

    Craig’s bill received a hearing Tuesday morning before the Senate Committee on Labor and Regulatory Reform.

    Ending The ‘Patchwork’

    Reform legislation bringing statewide uniformity to certain employment laws seems to stand a good chance of landing on the governor’s desk.

    Proponents say Senate Bill 634 would end the ‘patchwork” of employment laws that create confusion, kill competition and drive up business costs based on the whims of local government.
    Democrats, unions, community organizers and other opponents claim the bill is an assault on Wisconsin’s tradition of home rule.

    Proponents say Senate Bill 634 would end the ‘patchwork” of employment laws that create confusion, kill competition and drive up business costs based on the whims of local government.

    “We have seen a trend around this country in which local municipalities are pushing their own labor laws on how employers have to operate, setting minimum wage and living wage standards, and other things that are really contrary to how businesses need to operate,” said Hutton, co-author of the bill. “State law has to trump where local municipalities want to create hurdles for employees.”

    ‘Trampoline’ Legislation

    Conservatives are confident that a package of welfare reform legislation will swiftly move through the Republican-controlled Legislature. Gov. Scott Walker last month called for a special legislative session to take up the bills aimed at transitioning people from state-assistance to employment.

    Walker’s campaign hit the digital airwaves Tuesday with an ad highlighting the governor’s efforts to cut waste and fraud in government. It particularly focuses on the welfare reform measures.

    “We’re reforming welfare, so public assistance is more like a trampoline than a hammock,” the governor says in the ad, using one of his oft-turned lines.

    On Tuesday, the Assembly Committee on Public Benefit Reform approved the reform bills, with all five Republicans voting for and all three Democrats voting against.

    Unemployment Insurance Fraud – It Is Theft

    Bills by Sen. Chris Kapenga and Rep. Samantha Kerkman would make intentionally defrauding unemployment insurance a criminal penalty, cracking down on a significant problem and calling UI fraud what it is: theft.

    According to a 2014 report from the Wisconsin Department of Workforce Development, from Fiscal Year 2011-12 to 2013-14 alone, there were nearly 65,000 cases of intentional fraud, amounting to $86.3 million in stolen money.

    “Matching the penalties for UI benefit theft to those for other theft is fair…and helps ensure that the program functions for its intended purpose–a temporary safety net for those who are out of work through no fault of their own,” Kerkman (R-Kenosha) said.

    Priority: Tax Cuts

    Tax cuts and tax reform remain high on the to-do list for conservatives. While some fiscal hawks are less than ebullient about Gov. Scott Walker’s child tax credit plan unveiled in the Republican executive’s state of the state address last month, they say it’s critical, particularly in a tough election year, to lead on tax relief.

    “As conservatives, we should make it a priority to cut taxes every year. We should build a glide path on cutting taxes,” Kooyenga said.
    While Kooyenga’s IRS conformity bill may not be the most exciting piece of legislation this winter session, it could bring substantial tax savings.

    Thanks to prior reforms to simplify Wisconsin’s tax code, portions of state tax law automatically conform with federal Internal Revenue code. That will mean significant tax savings for small and large businesses alike in areas like bonus depreciation. The federal tax reform package accelerated deductions on the purchase of eligible business property, and Wisconsin’s conformity laws follow suit.

    Kooyenga’s bill would do the same for other areas, including changes in EdVest College Savings plans. Parents and guardians would be able to use those higher education investments for K-12 education, tutoring and other instructional opportunities.

    A fiscal note, slated for release this week, is expected to show substantial revenue increases that fiscal conservatives would like to use for overall tax relief.

    “We’re talking tens of millions of dollars,” the lawmaker said. “As conservatives, we should make it a priority to cut taxes every year. We should build a glide path on cutting taxes.”

    Direct Primary Care – A Win-Win-Win

    If the U.S. health care system is going to get out of the mess Obamacare has left, the free market will have to lead the way.

    Direct primary care is a free-market method of delivering health care in which patients pay their primary care doctors directly via a monthly fee, bypassing traditional health insurance that can obscure the actual costs of procedures. The innovative arrangement is often compared to a gym membership – doctors are paid a fixed monthly fee for a set menu of services, and waiting to see your doctor is virtually eliminated.

    The reforms proposed by Kapenga and Sanfelippo have the potential to save taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars.
    Since patients are paying the doctor directly and the cost of services is readily available, there’s significant downward pressure on prices as both doctors and patients shop around. And because people are getting their basic medical care from a primary care doctor instead of relying on the emergency room – a notoriously expensive method of delivering care – costs to provide basic care are significantly reduced, health outcomes are considerably better, and peoples’ quality of life is improved.

    Bills working their way through the Legislature – Assembly Bill 798 and Senate Bill 670 – properly defines Direct Primary Care for what it is: Health care. And for what it is not: Insurance. Therefore, Direct Primary Care is not subject to the suffocating web of rules and regulations government places on health insurance. The proposal, authored by Sen. Chris Kapenga and Rep. Joe Sanfelippo, also authorizes a Direct Primary Care pilot program in the state’s behemoth Medical Assistance program.

    The reasons for defining and expanding Direct Primary Care in Wisconsin are myriad – and the icing on the cake is that the reforms proposed by Kapenga and Sanfelippo have the potential to save taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars.

    Improving Access To Dental Care

    Wisconsin’s dentist shortage doesn’t get much attention, but it should be on the Legislature’s radar. The problem is more extensive than most know: 1.5 million people in Wisconsin live in areas with a shortage of dentists, and only one-third of children on Medicaid saw a dentist in 2016, the worst rate of all states. The dentist shortage is a particular problem in rural Wisconsin and in low-income areas – 42 percent of Wisconsinites making less than $25,000 per year cited trouble finding a dentist as the reason.

    A market-centered reform allowing dental therapists to practice in Wisconsin would go a long way to help ease this shortage of dental care. Dental therapists are mid-level practitioners, similar to physician assistants. Under the general supervision of a dentist, DTs can perform routine dental procedures either at a dental practice or in satellite clinics in underserved areas.

    Growing the number of practitioners allowed to perform common dental procedures is the surest way to address the dentist shortage and increase access to needed dental care. Permitting dental therapy in Wisconsin would be a sensible way to accomplish this.

    Cracking Down On Relentless Referendums

    There’s something to be said for letting taxpayers have a direct say in the local decisions that will impact their tax bills. Unfortunately, too often, school districts treat these local referendums as mere formalities. Whenever voters say no to a tax increase, school officials simply go back to the polls again and again until the voters finally tap out.

    Sen. Duey Stroebel says these are dirty tricks by school districts, and Senate Bill 195 is intended to limit such games. The bill limits the number of times a school board can seek approval from voters to increase its revenue limit to five consecutive school years.

    The bill also eliminates the distinction between recurring and nonrecurring referendums and eliminates the authority of a school board to include excess revenue generated for a recurring purpose in its base revenue per pupil in the determination of a district’s revenue limit.

    Another Stroebel bill, Senate Bill 191, would limit when a school district can vote to have a referendum. It requires that school districts vote to authorize a referendum only at the school district’s annual meeting – not at special meetings called for that purpose. The bill also prohibits a vote to exceed a district’s revenue limit for recurring or nonrecurring purposes at special meetings.

    Fishing: Lawyers’ Favorite Pastime

    Tort reform is the task that never ends. Wisconsin Republicans have been working on it ever since the day they took over the majority in 2011, and it continues into 2018. A pair of bills working through committee right now would put restrictions on class action lawsuits and the discovery process.

    Class action lawsuits will be more than familiar to anyone who still watches commercial television. A lawyer will come onto the screen announcing, “if you or anyone you know is suffering with [insert grievance] contact us at [1-800-SUE-THEM].” Reformers say these commercials are essentially fishing expeditions. Personal injury lawyers only need to find one or two people that qualify to go ahead with the lawsuit. They shoot for a fast settlement, and give the alleged victims a pittance while they take off for the bank. AB 773/SB 645 would make changes to the notification process and how lawyers take their cut.

    Fishing is apparently a popular pastime for lawyers, because reformers say that’s also what the discovery process has become. Trial lawyers will make herculean demands on the companies they sue asking for mountains of documents to be handed over. The goal is to overwhelm a company into a settlement, but you never know what you’ll come across when you force a company to unload its archives. The bills would limit how long and how far this process could go, weighing the burden on the company to the likelihood the lawyer will find something useful.

    The senate held a public hearing on Jan. 30, but it has yet to make the Assembly Committee on Judiciary schedule.

    Reining in DNR

    Even at a time when conservatives control all of state government, onerous environmental regulations persist.

    The Federal Clean Air Act forces the sale of special reformulated gasoline in certain areas designated by the Environmental Protection Agency as out of compliance with federal air quality standards. In these areas, retailers are barred from selling regular gasoline.

    Senate Bill 463 seeks to stop this. The bill requires the Department of Natural Resources to request a waiver from the EPA from these heavy-handed Clean Air Act regulations. If the waiver is granted, the DNR may not prohibit the sale of regular, non-reformulated gasoline in the designated areas.

    Another bill, Senate Bill 459, also looks to cut back on DNR’s regulatory zeal. The bill requires the DNR to identify and repeal state-level regulations on air pollutants that are not covered under federal law. The proposal also sunsets any new such rule after ten years.

    Investigating the John Doe Investigators

    On the liberty front, conservatives are growing more optimistic that the Legislature will investigate the investigators of Wisconsin’s infamous John Doe investigation.

    Craig said he’s putting the finishing touches on his bill that would create a bicameral committee – with rarely used subpoena power – to compel former agents of the disbanded Government Accountability Board, Milwaukee County District Attorney prosecutors and others to testify under oath about their involvement in the unconstitutional John Doe probe.

    Legislation could be released this week.

    “It’s got to pass. It’s the only way that we can bring some level of closure to the John Doe scandal, to make sure people in Wisconsin understand what happened, to make sure the Legislature understands what happened, and to make sure it never happens agai

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  • Presty the DJ for Feb. 8

    February 8, 2018
    Music

    The number one album today in 1969 was the soundtrack to NBC-TV’s “TCB,” a special with Diana Ross and the Supremes and the Temptations:

    The number one album today in 1975 was Bob Dylan’s “Blood on the Tracks”:

    (more…)

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  • Rumors of the mid-term disaster are exaggerated (for now)

    February 7, 2018
    US politics, Wisconsin politics

    The Hill reports:

    Republicans are feeling better about their prospects in the midterm elections, buoyed by recent polls that show their numbers improving.

    An ebullient President Trump touted the shift in public sentiment reflected in recent polls during a joint Senate-House Republican retreat in West Virginia this week.

    “I just looked at some numbers, you’ve even done better than you thought,” Trump told lawmakers, citing poll numbers he discussed Thursday with National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) Chairman Steve Stivers (R-Ohio).

    “The numbers are pretty good and that’s one example of how things are getting better,” Stivers told reporters after discussing polling numbers with Trump.

    Stivers said the bump in Trump’s approval rating is a good sign for Republicans running for reelection.

    “No president in their second year has seen their approval rating go up except now this one,” Stivers noted. …

    Pollsters David Winston and Myra Miller of the Winston Group gave a presentation to lawmakers Wednesday evening entitled “Middle Class Americans’ Views of the Tax Plan: The Opportunity for 2018.”

    A Monmouth University Poll released Wednesday showed that Trump’s approval rating had jumped 10 points compared to last month, while the Democratic advantage on the generic ballot had shrunk to 2 percentage points.

    A nationwide Monmouth survey in December showed Democrats with a 15-point advantage on the generic ballot.

    The generic ballot question, which asks respondents if they would be more likely to vote for a Democratic or Republican candidate in their own district, is considered an indicator of future wave elections.

    A Reuters/Ipsos poll released Wednesday showed that Trump’s approval rating has ticked up in the past week.

    Another Reuters/Ipsos poll shows voters think Republicans have a better plan for jobs and employment than Democrats, by a margin of 37.6 percent to 27.8 percent.

    “The numbers for or against Republicans in different states have moved dramatically favorable, where two months ago there was a much lower rating,” said Sen. James Lankford (R-Okla.). “There were about four or five polls they listed out.”

    The swing in the polling numbers has been matched by a swing in sentiment.

    The political landscape looked bleakest for the GOP in the second half of 2017, after their top legislative priority — the repeal and replacement of ObamaCare — floundered in the Senate.

    That failure raised doubts over Trump’s ability to work with Congress to deliver accomplishments.

    Meanwhile, public attention was fixed on the appointment of special counsel Robert Mueller to investigate allegations of collusion between Trump’s inner circle and Russian government officials, as well as potential obstruction of justice by the president.

    Trump’s approval rating hit a low of 33 percent in the Reuters/Ipsos tracking poll on Dec. 13, a week before Congress passed the final version of the tax package. …

    Democrats need a net gain of 24 seats to recapture control of the House and two seats to win back the Senate. …

    Rep. Greg Walden (R-Ore.), a former NRCC chairman, said the environment is looking “much better” for his party compared to two months ago.

    “I think you’re seeing all the data improve,” Walden said.

    Walden believes Democrats made a tactical mistake by taking a hard stance against the tax bill. It passed the Senate and House without a single Democratic vote in either chamber.

    “The Democrats have completely overplayed their hand. When [House Democratic Leader] Nancy Pelosi [Calif.] says $1,000 or $2,000 is ‘crumbs,’ people in West Virginia, rural Oregon go, ‘$1000 is a lot of money to me,’ ” Walden said.

    He argued the tax victory also saved the party’s standing with its conservative base, which threatened to desert them following the health-care debacle.

    “Our base said, ‘OK, you guys actually could come together and get something big done.’ So you’re seeing that reflected in the generic ballot that has gone from double digits down to single digits,” he said.

    “It feels like it’s bottomed out and we’re coming back up,” he said. “We will have a very good record to run on.”

    He also noted that Trump’s numbers “are getting better.”

    Walden acknowledged that House Republicans don’t have many pickup opportunities, but argued that the party is focused on playing defense, not offense, this year.

    “Let’s face it: in the last two cycles you had a 247-seat majority and 241-seat majority. Those are the biggest Republican back-to-back majorities in the history of the country,” he said. “It’s holding in a time like this. The marginal gain is limited.”

    Vice President Pence and GOP leaders urged rank-and-file members to stress whenever possible the economic impact of the $1.5 trillion tax package Congress passed last year.

    “We made history in 2016, and we’re going to make history in 2018 when we reelect Republican majorities in the House and Senate,” he said. “We got our work cut out for us, but we have a story to tell.”

    And Democrats’ story is: We’re not Donald Trump, or in Wisconsin Scott Walker. That didn’t work too well in 2014 in this state.

    It is, of course, far too early to predict what will happen nine months from now. I think given the volatile state of politics today, predictions the day before the election are even hazardous. Recall that one day before the 2016 election, Hillary Clinton was a shoo-in and Democrats were going to triumph all over the U.S.

    But it’s going to be hard after nearly a year of bigger paychecks for Democrats to argue that you shouldn’t be able to keep more of your own money.

     

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  • Memogate

    February 7, 2018
    US politics

    Victor Davis Hanson:

    Some things still do not add up about the so-called Steele dossier, FISA warrants, the Nunes memo, and the hysterical Democratic reaction to it.

    1) Progressives and Democrats warned on the eve of the memo’s release that it would cause havoc throughout the intelligence agencies, by exposing classified means and processes.

    When no serious intelligence expert claimed that the released memo had done such damage, the official response to the memo was suddenly recalibrated by progressives. It went from being radioactive to a “nothingburger.”

    The obvious conclusion is cynical: Cry Armageddon to prevent its release, then, after the release, resort to yawns to downplay its significance. An even more cynical interpretation is that Rod Rosenstein, James Comey, and other officials stridently objected to the release of the memo because they are named in it. Comey incoherently mocked the memo’s purported unimportance even while listing all its deleterious effects and the crises that would ensue.

    http://www.nationalreview.com/doubleclick/div-gpt-ad-middle.php

    Congressional, DOJ, and FBI resistance to the release of most documents connected to FISA-gate apparently originates with fears that information will either reveal Obama-administration efforts to surveille Trump officials during a campaign or will suggest that the impetus for the Mueller investigation came as a result of illegal activities and a concocted dossier — or both.

    2) Critics scream, “Carter Page is no big deal.” Aside from the easy retort that neither, initially, was a petty break-in at the Watergate complex, or rumors of supplying arms to distant guerillas in Central America, Page is a big deal for a variety of reasons.

    Democrats allege that, given Carter Page’s familiarity with Russians, it was logical for the Obama administration to use the dossier’s references to him to substantiate FISA warrants.

    But is not the opposite more likely true?

    He was apparently known to intelligence agencies for years (supposedly under investigation variously by the FBI, the CIA, the NSA, the Director of National Intelligence, and the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network), and he may have been the object of a 2014 FISA warrant. But such intelligence agents were never able to bring charges against him, and it appears he even cooperated with American intelligence in gathering info against the Russians. So why would the FBI and DOJ, suddenly in 2016, believe that mention of Page’s name in an unverified opposition-research dossier warranted four FISA warrants to find wrongdoing?

    After all, if he was so well known to the FBI for so many years, during which they never charged him with being a Russian agent, and if the FBI nonetheless still regarded him as suspicious in 2016, why not simply go to a regular court to obtain a warrant to wiretap him? Such a court, of course, would be less secretive, not known for a 99 percent approval rate, subject to far more deliberation, and less useful for surveilling Trump associates.

    A more likely supposition is that it was not Page’s past flirtations with the Russians (who supposedly dubbed him an “idiot”) that abruptly brought him back into the sights of the DOJ and FBI in 2016. Instead, it was his brief and minor relationship with Trump, and his appearance in a bogus dossier, that offered useful pretexts for court-ordered surveillance sweeps and indirect targeting of possible Trump associates.

    Page was simply a tool, to be surveilled in hopes of also sweeping up other names and information that might corroborate some shred of the dubious Steele dossier. In that narrow sense, his name might as well have been Jones or Smith.

    So far, all Carter Page has been found guilty of is momentarily working for the Trump campaign. His likely future lawsuits against Steele, Fusion GPS, the Clinton campaign, the FBI, and the DOJ will probably follow a number of avenues.

    3) The New York Times and others strangely have claimed that the dossier-based FISA warrants were not the real basis of the Russian-collusion allegations, given, as the memo implies, that the FISA warrants were issued after FBI agent Peter Strzok had investigated George Papadopoulos, another minor Trump-campaign official of brief tenure.

    But there has never been much connection between Page and Papadopoulos, as the Nunes memo also made clear. It is far more likely that Papadopoulos was written off as a dead-end functionary by Strzok, who also claimed to his paramour that there was likely nothing to be found at all in the Russian-collusion investigation. (And indeed Papadopoulos eventually pled guilty to making false statements, not collusion).

    More likely, the collusion narrative gained ground only when the Steele dossier energized subsequent FISA requests in October and after the election, resulting in surveillance sweeps.

    Moreover, given the admissions by Strzok that he detested Trump and pondered ways of stopping him, and given that he and the FBI were never able to find Papadopoulos indictable on intended collusion charges, it is entirely unlikely that Papadopoulos prompted much of anything.

    If he was not a dead end, then the argument could just as well be that an admittedly biased FBI agent hounded a minor, former Trump aide to find collusion, failed to find it, tried to turn him by the usual “false statements” perjury traps, and then Strzok or others around him leaked information about collusion investigations to damage the Trump campaign.

    4) Other than Andrew McCarthy of National Review, few have written about the FISA-court application(s) for surveillance of Trump-campaign officials that the FISA court rejected in June 2016, shortly before Trump was nominated as the Republican candidate.

    Given that 99.97 percent of FISA requests are eventually granted, why exactly did a federal judge quite extraordinarily reject an Obama-administration FBI-DOJ request? Was it too “broad” or insufficiently sourced in June? And what (or who) had changed by October, when a subsequent request was apparently granted? Was Strzok’s July investigation of Papadopoulos better grounds to surveille Trump associates? Was the dossier (which apparently became known to the FBI as early as June or July 2016) initially used to obtain a warrant, to no avail? Or was the dossier instead used first in October, on a subsequent attempt, and in this case the FISA court granted the warrant?

    5) The talented, Trump-hating Peter Strzok was a sort of ubiquitous Zelig of FISA-gate and the most interesting of all the players named so far in the case. He probably convinced Comey to change the wording of his report on Hillary Clinton to prevent criminal liability. He may have started the whole shebang off by investigating George Papadopoulos. He texted away to his mistress and fellow FBI investigator Lisa Page the court secrets of the FBI and Mueller investigations, saying his gut sense was that there was “no big there there” to the entire effort. He interviewed Mike Flynn without Flynn’s lawyer being present, and he probably compared Flynn’s responses in that interview to FISA intercepts. He also met with Andrew McCabe to ponder ways to nullify the Trump ascendency. And unlike his far less talented superiors, he may have been careful to avoid strictly breaking the law.

    6) Even less has been written about the Obama administration’s public attitude to the ongoing efforts of its own DOJ and FBI to seek FISA warrants to surveille Trump associates.

    Trump (apparently tipped off to prior FISA surveillance of his campaign associates) presciently tweeted on March 4:

    Terrible! Just found out that Obama had my “wires tapped” in Trump Tower just before the victory. Nothing found. This is McCarthyism!

    — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) March 4, 2017

    Most of the establishment media insisted that Trump’s tweet proved he was unhinged and paranoid. Former Obama White House officials issued haughty denials. Yet it is increasingly likely that Trump received good counter-intelligence on Obama-administration efforts that were either improper or illegal, and likely both.

    An Obama communiqué that replied to Trump’s accusation had the inadvertent effect of leaving even more doubt:

    A cardinal rule of the Obama Administration was that no White House official ever interfered with any independent investigation led by the Department of Justice. As part of that practice, neither President Obama nor any White House official ever ordered surveillance on any U.S. citizen. Any suggestion otherwise is simply false.

    Some have noted that the disavowal was carefully worded. First, it claims that no “White House official” interfered with any independent investigation. Fine, but does that mean other administration officials may have, or that a White House official may have interfered with investigations not deemed “independent”? And does “interfered with” include unmasked? Second, if neither President Obama nor a White House official ordered surveillance on any U.S. citizen, does that mean that Obama-appointed DOJ and FBI officials might well have?

    The problem may not be that the Obama White House itself had ordered surveillance of Trump associates, but rather than it sat back and enjoyed the wide berth granted to its DOJ and FBI investigators.

    In support of the Obama denial, the Washington Post’s Glenn Kessler, to take one example, at the time issued an embarrassing second denial in a “fact check” that was soon made inoperative by leaks about ongoing FISA-warranted surveillance of Trump officials:

    The Washington Post for months has sought to confirm this report of a FISA warrant related to the Trump campaign but has been unable to do so. Presumably other U.S. news organizations have tried to do so as well. So one has to take this claim with a huge dose of skepticism.

    In this context, one of the final executive orders of the Obama administration takes on new significance. Shortly before leaving office, Obama abruptly issued yet another expansion of the Reagan-era Executive Order 12333, dramatically enlarging some 17 government agencies’ legal authority to surveille U.S. citizens — an order that had followed even earlier expansions of the number of officials privy to surveilled information. Why such a radical move in the last days in office?

    The practical intent of that order might have been inadvertently contextualized by Evelyn Farkas, a former assistant deputy secretary of defense. On MSNBC’s Morning Joe show, she blurted out:

    I was urging my former colleagues and — and frankly speaking, the people on the Hill, it was more actually aimed — aimed at telling the Hill people, “Get as much information as you can, get as much intelligence as you can before President Obama leaves the administration.” Because, I had a fear that somehow that information would disappear with the senior people who left. So it would be hidden away in the bureaucracy that the Trump folks, the Trump folks, if they found out how we knew what we knew about their, the staff, the Trump staff’s dealing with Russians, that they would try to compromise those sources and methods, meaning we would no longer have access to that intelligence. So I became very worried, because not enough was coming out into the open, and I knew that there was more. We have very good intelligence on Russia. So then I had talked to some of my former colleagues, and I knew that they were trying to also help get information to the Hill.

    What exactly did she mean by “how we knew what we knew about their, the staff, the Trump staff’s dealing with Russians”? Was the DOD also privy to FISA-ordered surveillances, or did DOD staffers simply read the passed-around Steele dossier and other memos?

    What Farkas was probably outlining was an eleventh-hour attempt to leak, perhaps improperly and illegally, surveillance and classified gossip to as many government agencies as possible as well as sympathetic congressional leaders, in hopes that the information would flood out (as it did) before the incoming Trump administration could stop such illicit dissemination of improper government surveillance.

    At some distant point, investigators and the media will conclude that the nexus of wrongdoing was likely Barack Obama himself. Aside from the massaged investigations of Hillary Clinton’s wrongdoing, during the election of 2016 and the Trump transition of November 2016 to January 2017, Obama allowed his DOJ and the FBI to manipulate the FISA courts to surveille an American citizen and indirectly target others. He then made sure such data were disseminated among as many administration hands as possible. And he further allowed his subordinates to unmask surveilled citizens, whose identities and (in some cases conversations) were ultimately leaked to news organizations.

    That was a process of leaking and sensationalism that sought first to damage the Trump campaign. Ultimately, it succeeded in creating overwhelming public and official Washington pressure to justify James Comey’s later efforts to angle for the appointment of a special counsel.

    The House Intelligence Committee’s “phase one” memo, as Nunes has described it, limits itself to the likely wrongdoing of DOJ and FBI officials.

    One would expect that phase two and beyond would examine the nature of the surveillance itself, the number of Obama intelligence and political officials who had access to such information, the exact requests of named officials to unmask Trump associates, and the correlations of such unmasking with the roughly simultaneous appearance of such names in the media.

    Both Watergate and Iran-Contra were multiyear affairs. FISA-gate may last longer, given that the media this time around are not a watchdog, but an enabler, of government misconduct. We are at the very beginning of the exposure of wronging by Obama-era DOJ and FBI officials — and their superiors — and have not begun to learn exactly why and how American citizens were improperly monitored, and by whom. In one of the strangest moments in the history of American journalism, Washington reporters and agencies, known for their loud interests in protecting civil liberties, are either silent or working to suppress news of these scandals, and they may well soon rue their own complacency.

    Nor have we learned the full nature of why and how Obama-era investigative agencies departed from normal protocol in exonerating Hillary Clinton from criminal liability during a number of 2015–16 controversies. Presumably there are records, official and otherwise, of these matters; they should come to light as soon as possible.

    What seems clear is that the present hysteria about the Trump administration was already deeply seeded in the federal government throughout the 2016 campaign and the 2016–17 transition. A number of powerful Obama officials thought they had both moral right and the administrative means to nullify Trump. And they were not shy in breaking the law to exercise them.

    If you don’t grasp the significance of this, reread the last paragraph.

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  • Presty the DJ for Feb. 7

    February 7, 2018
    Music

    Today in 1969, Jim Morrison of the Doors was arrested for drunk driving and driving without a license in Los Angeles:

    The number one British album today in 1970 was “Led Zeppelin II”:

    The number one single today in 1970:

    (more…)

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  • A corrective word

    February 6, 2018
    US business, US politics

    The Associated Press reports:

    Investor fears about higher interest rates escalated into rapid, computer-generated selling Monday that wiped out all the market’s gains for the year. At one point, the Dow Jones industrial average dropped 1,000 points in less than an hour, and it ended with its worst day in more than six years. The Standard & Poor’s 500 is now down nearly 8 percent from its record high, set a little more than a week ago.

    Market professionals warn that the selling could continue for a bit. But many are also quick to say they see no recession looming, and they expect the strengthening global economy and healthy corporate earnings to help stock prices recover.

    “The reasons for the increase in rates is the stronger economy,” said Ernie Cecilia, chief investment officer at Bryn Mawr Trust. “The reasons are positive. It’s not as if something like 2008 or financial Armageddon is coming.”

    The trigger for the sell-off came at the end of last week when a government report showed that wages across the country rose relatively quickly last month. While that’s good for workers, traders took it as a signal that higher inflation may be on the way, which could push the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates more quickly than expected. Higher rates not only make it more expensive for people and companies to borrow, they can also drive investors away from stocks and into bonds.

    The sell-off Monday was so steep that some market-watchers blamed automated trading systems. These systems are programmed to buy and sell based on several variables, and they may have hit their sell triggers following the first wobble for stock prices after an unusually placid run.

    That may mean even more volatility in the coming days, something that investors haven’t had to deal with during a blissful year-plus of record-setting returns. Before Monday, the S&P 500 index had gone a record period of time — roughly 400 trading days — without a drop of even 5 percent.

    Monday was also the first day in office for the new chairman of the Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, and investors are wondering how closely he will stick with the low interest-rate policies set by his predecessor, Janet Yellen.

    Still, many market-watchers said they remain optimistic that stocks will recover.

    Despite worries about interest rates, they still see a recession as a long shot. With economies growing around the world, profits for U.S. businesses are expected to continue rising, and stock prices tend to follow the path of corporate earnings over the long term.

    “The rate worries have been the trigger” for the stock market’s swoon, said Melda Mergen, deputy global head of equities at Columbia Threadneedle. “But fundamentally, we don’t see any new news. It’s earnings season, the time that we get more direct feedback from our companies, and we don’t see any concerns.”

    More than half the companies in the S&P 500 have told investors how they performed in the last three months of 2017, and most have topped analysts’ expectations, according to S&P Global Market Intelligence. Even more encouraging is that more than three quarters of them made more revenue than expected, which means it’s not just cost-cutting and layoffs that are allowing companies to earn more.

    The White House cited some of those trends Monday and said “long-term economic fundamentals … remain exceptionally strong.”

    President Donald Trump, unlike his predecessors, bragged repeatedly about stocks as the market rose. Monday, he avoided the topic as they plunged.

    During the bull market of the last year, Trump complained that the media weren’t giving him credit for record highs in securities values.

    “I mean, it’s something that’s pretty amazing,” he said to a group of mayors last month, in characteristic remarks, citing an estimate of $8 trillion in added wealth.

    He also has said that the market would have lost 50 percent of its value had Hillary Clinton won the election, a claim that he repeated publicly during a recent speech to global leaders at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The assertion is impossible to prove or disprove.

    Trump’s comments came despite frequent reminders from fact checkers and others that stocks began rising during the tenure of former President Barack Obama. In his administration, Obama and his aides were especially careful to avoid making comments about the market, for fear that the president would be blamed when it fell, as markets inevitably do.

    During Monday’s market plunge, Trump was delivering a speech touting his tax cuts at a factory in Cincinnati, calling employees to the stage to discuss the gains they expected to make as a result of changes in the tax laws and what they intended to do with bonus checks they were receiving.

    Trump did not mention the falling market, but as he bragged about the soaring economy, all three cable news channels airing the speech displayed graphics showing the market dropping in real time. As the speech wore on and stocks continued falling, all three — including Trump-friendly Fox News — pulled away from the speech entirely to report on the Dow.

    If the stock market does indeed bounce back, though, many market-watchers expect returns to be more muted than in prior years because prices have already climbed so high. The S&P 500 is up nearly 292 percent since bottoming in early 2009.

    And investors should remember that drops like those of the past two days aren’t a unique occurrence for stocks. They’re inherently risky investments, and investors should be prepared to see drops of 10 percent. Such declines happen so regularly that analysts have a name for them: a market correction.

    Yesterday’s record drop totaled 4.5 percent, which is not remotely close to a record. The Black Monday 1987 drop was 22.61 percent, and those 508 points were recovered in a year. The Black Tuesday 1929 drop was 12.82 percent, followed a day later by another 11.73-percent drop and a week later by a 9.92-percent drop. In the two months before and after the 2008 election, the Dow Jones dropped 2,870 points over four days. Even with the drops of last week and Monday, the Dow Jones has gained 6,000 points since Election Day 2016.

    Investors should look at the long term, not what happened yesterday or last week, and look at their own financial situations instead of what the news media reports.

     

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  • Presty the DJ for Feb. 6

    February 6, 2018
    Music

    The number one British album today in 1965 was “The Rolling Stones No. 2”:

    The number one single on both sides of the Atlantic today in 1965:

    The number one single today in 1982 …

    … from the number one album, the J. Geils Band’s “Freeze Frame”:

    (more…)

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  • The ecstasy and the agony

    February 5, 2018
    Sports

    How a Super Bowl ends from the perspective of the winner …

    … and the loser:

    At least the Eagles’ announcers (including play-by-play man Merrill Reese, who finally got to call a Super Bowl win after 41 seasons and two losses) could have said “Let the rioting begin!”

     

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  • When rogue nations are easy in comparison

    February 5, 2018
    Sports

    Purdue University president Mitch Daniels writes to Condolezza Rice:

    That invitation to speak on our campus still stands, but I see that you’ll be a little too busy this spring, now that you’ve accepted yet another “service opportunity” as chair of the new commission tasked by the NCAA to help it reform college basketball. You’ve always been a sucker for a good cause; and if ever a cause qualified, this one does.

    When the FBI revealed its findings about the corrupt connections among shoe companies, agents, a few big-time college programs and coaches, and the Amateur Athletic Union or AAU (the first “A” increasingly looks like a misnomer), no one near the sport was shocked. The existence of this part of the cesspool has been in plain view for years. Those in a position to stop the scandals spawned by the “one-and-done” era — in which many top-tier players were required to enroll in college for one year before bolting for the NBA — have been either powerless to do so or actively interested in perpetuating the status quo.

    When it was discovered that, at what we’ve always considered an academically admirable school, championships had been won by teams loaded with players who took completely phony classes, most of us were sincerely shocked. We were stunned again when, after years of cogitation, the NCAA delivered a penalty of . . . nothing. It was a final confession of futility, confirming the necessity of this special commission, if any meaningful change is going to happen from the collegiate end.

    If the NCAA is impotent to stop the abuses, the NBA is all but an unindicted co-conspirator. The current arrangement works out beautifully for the league: It gets a free minor league player development system, a massively televised showcase for its next round of stars, and one less argument with a players union that prefers to limit, through its ineligible-until-age-19 rule, the number of competitors for the few hundred NBA roster spots. The league has every incentive to keep dragging its feet, so the most promising avenue for reform is to make the college game inhospitable to NBA exploitation and the rotten collusion that the one-and-done world fosters.

    As for solutions, one can start by observing that almost no change could make things worse. I don’t pretend to know the single best answer, but it’s not hard to list a number of possibilities.

    We could require a “year of readiness,” meaning that freshmen could practice but not play while they became acclimated to college life. This was the NCAA rule for many decades, and it makes great sense unless a “student” really has no intention of pursuing a real education.

    Or the NCAA could simply use the rule already in effect for baseball, which gives young aspirants a choice between going professional straight from high school or entering college and staying a minimum of three years. Either of these approaches separates those seriously interested in higher education from those forced by the current system to pretend they are.

    Another idea would be to allow players to depart early for the NBA, but the scholarships they received would be required to remain vacant for the balance of their four-year terms. Coaches who want to chase that next championship with full-time players masquerading as students could do so, but the following few seasons might be tough with rosters filled with walk-ons.

    I’m convinced the college game would be more, not less popular, if a handful of would-be pretend students, whose names fans barely get a chance to know, instead went straight from high school to some sort of professional league. Doing so would certainly bring more parity and fairness to the college game. The play would still be amazingly athletic — most of us fans would not be able to tell the difference — and schools with genuine academic and conduct standards would no longer be at such a competitive disadvantage.

    It’s startling how concentrated the phenomenon is. In the past five years, 45 percent of all “five-star” recruits, and 58 percent of all one-and-dones, have gone to just five schools. Our entire 14-member Big Ten conference, by contrast, has had 9.2 percent of the first category and 6.4 percent of the latter, collectively. One could tell conferences like ours that if we don’t like today’s situation, we can just establish our own rules, but unilateral disarmament never seems like a good idea.

    It troubles me to give up on my friends and neighbors at the NCAA, but when the FBI beats you to a monstrously obvious problem in your own backyard, you’re clearly never going to fix it on your own.

    So thanks for serving, Condi, and best of luck. If you thought Iranian sanctions or North Korean nukes were hard problems, wait until you try this one. And take your time about that invitation. Go save us from ourselves.

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Steve Prestegard.com: The Presteblog

The thoughts of a journalist/libertarian–conservative/Christian husband, father, Eagle Scout and aficionado of obscure rock music. Thoughts herein are only the author’s and not necessarily the opinions of his family, friends, neighbors, church members or past, present or future employers.

  • Steve
    • About, or, Who is this man?
    • Facebook
    • Twitter
    • Adventures in ruralu0026nbsp;inkBack in June 2009, I was driving somewhere through a rural area. And for some reason, I had a flashback to two experiences in my career about that time of year many years ago. In 1988, eight days after graduating from the University of Wisconsin, I started work at the Grant County Herald Independent in Lancaster as a — well, the — reporter. Four years after that, on my 27th birthday, I purchased, with a business partner, the Tri-County Press in Cuba City, my first business venture. Both were experiences about which Wisconsin author Michael Perry might write. I thought about all this after reading a novel, The Deadline, written by a former newspaper editor and publisher. (Now who would write a novel about a weekly newspaper?) As a former newspaper owner, I picked at some of it — why finance a newspaper purchase through the bank if the seller is willing to finance it? Because the mean bank lender is a plot point! — and it is much more interesting than reality, but it is very well written, with a nicely twisting plot, and quite entertaining, again more so than reality. There is something about that first job out of college that makes you remember it perhaps more…
    • Adventures in radioI’ve been in the full-time work world half my life. For that same amount of time I’ve been broadcasting sports as a side interest, something I had wanted to since I started listening to games on radio and watching on TV, and then actually attending games. If you ask someone who’s worked in radio for some time about the late ’70s TV series “WKRP in Cincinnati,” most of them will tell you that, if anything, the series understated how wacky working in radio can be. Perhaps the funniest episode in the history of TV is the “WKRP” episode, based on a true story, about the fictional radio station’s Thanksgiving promotion — throwing live turkeys out of a helicopter under the mistaken belief that, in the words of WKRP owner Arthur Carlson, “As God is my witness, I thought turkeys could fly.” [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ST01bZJPuE0] I’ve never been involved in anything like that. I have announced games from the roofs of press boxes (once on a nice day, and once in 50-mph winds), from a Mississippi River bluff (more on that later), and from the front row of the second balcony of the University of Wisconsin Fieldhouse (great view, but not a place to go if…
    • “Good morning/afternoon/evening, ________ fans …”
    • My biggest storyEarlier this week, while looking for something else, I came upon some of my own work. (I’m going to write a blog someday called “Things I Found While Looking for Something Else.” This is not that blog.) The Grant County Sheriff’s Department, in the county where I used to live, has a tribute page to the two officers in county history who died in the line of duty. One is William Loud, a deputy marshal in Cassville, shot to death by two bank robbers in 1912. The other is Tom Reuter, a Grant County deputy sheriff who was shot to death at the end of his 4 p.m.-to-midnight shift March 18, 1990. Gregory Coulthard, then a 19-year-old farmhand, was convicted of first-degree intentional homicide and is serving a life sentence, with his first eligibility for parole on March 18, 2015, just 3½ years from now. I’ve written a lot over the years. I think this, from my first two years in the full-time journalism world, will go down as the story I remember the most. For journalists, big stories contain a paradox, which was pointed out in CBS-TV’s interview of Andy Rooney on his last “60 Minutes” Sunday. Morley Safer said something along the line…
  • Food and drink
    • The Roesch/Prestegard familyu0026nbsp;cookbookFrom the family cookbook(s) All the families I’m associated with love to eat, so it’s a good thing we enjoy cooking. The first out-of-my-house food memory I have is of my grandmother’s cooking for Christmas or other family occasions. According to my mother, my grandmother had a baked beans recipe that she would make for my mother. Unfortunately, the recipe seems to have  disappeared. Also unfortunately, my early days as a picky, though voluminous, eater meant I missed a lot of those recipes made from such wholesome ingredients as lard and meat fat. I particularly remember a couple of meals that involve my family. The day of Super Bowl XXXI, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and a group of their friends got together to share lots of food and cheer on the Packers to their first NFL title in 29 years. (After which Jannan and I drove to Lambeau Field in the snow,  but that’s another story.) Then, on Dec. 31, 1999, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and Jannan and I (along with Michael in utero) had a one-course-per-hour meal to appropriately end years beginning with the number 1. Unfortunately I can’t remember what we…
    • SkålI was the editor of Marketplace Magazine for 10 years. If I had to point to one thing that demonstrates improved quality of life since I came to Northeast Wisconsin in 1994, it would be … … the growth of breweries and  wineries in Northeast Wisconsin. The former of those two facts makes sense, given our heritage as a brewing state. The latter is less self-evident, since no one thinks of Wisconsin as having a good grape-growing climate. Some snobs claim that apple or cherry wines aren’t really wines at all. But one of the great facets of free enterprise is the opportunity to make your own choice of what food and drink to drink. (At least for now, though some wish to restrict our food and drink choices.) Wisconsin’s historically predominant ethnic group (and our family’s) is German. Our German ancestors did unfortunately bring large government and high taxes with them, but they also brought beer. Europeans brought wine with them, since they came from countries with poor-quality drinking water. Within 50 years of a wave of mid-19th-century German immigration, brewing had become the fifth largest industry in the U.S., according to Maureen Ogle, author of Ambitious Brew: The Story of American Beer. Beer and wine have…
  • Wheels
    • America’s sports carMy birthday in June dawned without a Chevrolet Corvette in front of my house. (The Corvette at the top of the page was featured at the 2007 Greater Milwaukee Auto Show. The copilot is my oldest son, Michael.) Which isn’t surprising. I have three young children, and I have a house with a one-car garage. (Then again, this would be more practical, though a blatant pluck-your-eyes-out violation of the Corvette ethos. Of course, so was this.) The reality is that I’m likely to be able to own a Corvette only if I get a visit from the Corvette Fairy, whose office is next door to the Easter Bunny. (I hope this isn’t foreshadowing: When I interviewed Dave Richter of Valley Corvette for a car enthusiast story in the late great Marketplace Magazine, he said that the most popular Corvette in most fans’ minds was a Corvette built during their days in high school. This would be a problem for me in that I graduated from high school in 1983, when no Corvette was built.) The Corvette is one of those cars whose existence may be difficult to understand within General Motors Corp. The Corvette is what is known as a “halo car,” a car that drives people into showrooms, even if…
    • Barges on fouru0026nbsp;wheelsI originally wrote this in September 2008.  At the Fox Cities Business Expo Tuesday, a Smart car was displayed at the United Way Fox Cities booth. I reported that I once owned a car into which trunk, I believe, the Smart could be placed, with the trunk lid shut. This is said car — a 1975 Chevrolet Caprice coupe (ours was dark red), whose doors are, I believe, longer than the entire Smart. The Caprice, built down Interstate 90 from us Madisonians in Janesville (a neighbor of ours who worked at the plant probably helped put it together) was the flagship of Chevy’s full-size fleet (which included the stripper Bel Air and middle-of-the-road Impala), featuring popular-for-the-time vinyl roofs, better sound insulation, an upgraded cloth interior, rear fender skirts and fancy Caprice badges. The Caprice was 18 feet 1 inch long and weighed 4,300 pounds. For comparison: The midsize Chevrolet of the ear was the Malibu, which was the same approximate size as the Caprice after its 1977 downsizing. The compact Chevrolet of the era was the Nova, which was 200 inches long — four inches longer than a current Cadillac STS. Wikipedia’s entry on the Caprice has this amusing sentence: “As fuel economy became a bigger priority among Americans…
    • Behind the wheel
    • Collecting only dust or rust
    • Coooooooooooupe!
    • Corvettes on the screen
    • The garage of misfit cars
    • 100 years (and one day) of our Chevrolets
    • They built Excitement, sort of, once in a while
    • A wagon by any otheru0026nbsp;nameFirst written in 2008. You will see more don’t-call-them-station-wagons as you drive today. Readers around my age have probably had some experience with a vehicle increasingly rare on the road — the station wagon. If you were a Boy Scout or Girl Scout, or were a member of some kind of youth athletic team, or had a large dog, or had relatives approximately your age, or had friends who needed to be transported somewhere, or had parents who occasionally had to haul (either in the back or in a trailer) more than what could be fit inside a car trunk, you (or, actually, your parents) were the target demographic for the station wagon. “Station wagons came to be like covered wagons — so much family activity happened in those cars,” said Tim Cleary, president of the American Station Wagon Owners Association, in Country Living magazine. Wagons “were used for everything from daily runs to the grocery store to long summer driving trips, and while many men and women might have wanted a fancier or sportier car, a station wagon was something they knew they needed for the family.” The “station wagon” originally was a vehicle with a covered seating area to take people between train stations…
    • Wheels on theu0026nbsp;screenBetween my former and current blogs, I wrote a lot about automobiles and TV and movies. Think of this post as killing two birds (Thunderbirds? Firebirds? Skylarks?) with one stone. Most movies and TV series view cars the same way most people view cars — as A-to-B transportation. (That’s not counting the movies or series where the car is the plot, like the haunted “Christine” or “Knight Rider” or the “Back to the Future” movies.) The philosophy here, of course, is that cars are not merely A-to-B transportation. Which disqualifies most police shows from what you’re about to read, even though I’ve watched more police video than anything else, because police cars are plain Jane vehicles. The highlight in a sense is in the beginning: The car chase in my favorite movie, “Bullitt,” featuring Steve McQueen’s 1968 Ford Mustang against the bad guys’ 1968 Dodge Charger: [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GMc2RdFuOxIu0026amp;fmt=18] One year before that (but I didn’t see this until we got Telemundo on cable a couple of years ago) was a movie called “Operación 67,” featuring (I kid you not) a masked professional wrestler, his unmasked sidekick, and some sort of secret agent plot. (Since I don’t know Spanish and it’s not…
    • While riding in my Cadillac …
  • Entertainments
    • Brass rocksThose who read my former blog last year at this time, or have read this blog over the past months, know that I am a big fan of the rock group Chicago. (Back when they were a rock group and not a singer of sappy ballads, that is.) Since rock music began from elements of country music, jazz and the blues, brass rock would seem a natural subgenre of rock music. A lot of ’50s musical acts had saxophone players, and some played with full orchestras … [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9CPS-WuUKUE] … but it wasn’t until the more-or-less simultaneous appearances of Chicago and Blood Sweat u0026amp; Tears on the musical scene (both groups formed in 1967, both had their first charting singles in 1969, and they had the same producer) that the usual guitar/bass/keyboard/drum grouping was augmented by one or more trumpets, a sax player and a trombone player. While Chicago is my favorite group (but you knew that already), the first brass rock song I remember hearing was BSu0026amp;T’s “Spinning Wheel” — not in its original form, but on “Sesame Street,” accompanied by, yes, a giant spinning wheel. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qi9sLkyhhlE] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OxWSOuNsN20] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9U34uPjz-g] I remember liking Chicago’s “Just You ‘n Me” when it was released as a single, and…
    • Drive and Eat au0026nbsp;RockThe first UW home football game of each season also is the opener for the University of Wisconsin Marching Band, the world’s finest college marching band. (How the UW Band has not gotten the Sudler Trophy, which is to honor the country’s premier college marching bands, is beyond my comprehension.) I know this because I am an alumnus of the UW Band. I played five years (in the last rank of the band, Rank 25, motto: “Where Men Are Tall and Run-On Is Short”), marching in 39 football games at Camp Randall Stadium, the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome in Minneapolis, Michigan Stadium in Ann Arbor, Memorial Stadium at the University of Illinois (worst artificial turf I had ever seen), the University of Nevada–Las Vegas’ Sam Boyd Silver Bowl, the former Dyche Stadium at Northwestern University, five high school fields and, in my one bowl game, Legion Field in Birmingham, Ala., site of the 1984 Hall of Fame Bowl. The UW Band was, without question, the most memorable experience of my college days, and one of the most meaningful experiences of my lifetime. It was the most physical experience of my lifetime, to be sure. Fifteen minutes into my first Registration…
    • Keep on rockin’ in the freeu0026nbsp;worldOne of my first ambitions in communications was to be a radio disc jockey, and to possibly reach the level of the greats I used to listen to from WLS radio in Chicago, which used to be one of the great 50,000-watt AM rock stations of the country, back when they still existed. (Those who are aficionados of that time in music and radio history enjoyed a trip to that wayback machine when WLS a Memorial Day Big 89 Rewind, excerpts of which can be found on their Web site.) My vision was to be WLS’ afternoon DJ, playing the best in rock music between 2 and 6, which meant I wouldn’t have to get up before the crack of dawn to do the morning show, yet have my nights free to do whatever glamorous things big-city DJs did. Then I learned about the realities of radio — low pay, long hours, zero job security — and though I have dabbled in radio sports, I’ve pretty much cured myself of the idea of working in radio, even if, to quote WAPL’s Len Nelson, “You come to work every day just like everybody else does, but we’re playing rock ’n’ roll songs, we’re cuttin’ up.…
    • Monday on the flight line, not Saturday in the park
    • Music to drive by
    • The rock ofu0026nbsp;WisconsinWikipedia begins its item “Music of Wisconsin” thusly: Wisconsin was settled largely by European immigrants in the late 19th century. This immigration led to the popularization of galops, schottisches, waltzes, and, especially, polkas. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yl7wCczgNUc] So when I first sought to write a blog piece about rock musicians from Wisconsin, that seemed like a forlorn venture. Turned out it wasn’t, because when I first wrote about rock musicians from Wisconsin, so many of them that I hadn’t mentioned came up in the first few days that I had to write a second blog entry fixing the omissions of the first. This list is about rock music, so it will not include, for instance, Milwaukee native and Ripon College graduate Al Jarreau, who in addition to having recorded a boatload of music for the jazz and adult contemporary/easy listening fan, also recorded the theme music for the ’80s TV series “Moonlighting.” Nor will it include Milwaukee native Eric Benet, who was for a while known more for his former wife, Halle Berry, than for his music, which includes four number one singles on the Ru0026amp;B charts, “Spend My Life with You” with Tamia, “Hurricane,” “Pretty Baby” and “You’re the Only One.” Nor will it include Wisconsin’s sizable contributions to big…
    • Steve TV: All Steve, All the Time
    • “Super Steve, Man of Action!”
    • Too much TV
    • The worst music of allu0026nbsp;timeThe rock group Jefferson Airplane titled its first greatest-hits compilation “The Worst of Jefferson Airplane.” Rolling Stone magazine was not being ironic when it polled its readers to decide the 10 worst songs of the 1990s. I’m not sure I agree with all of Rolling Stone’s list, but that shouldn’t be surprising; such lists are meant for debate, after all. To determine the “worst,” songs appropriate for the “Vinyl from Hell” segment that used to be on a Madison FM rock station, requires some criteria, which does not include mere overexposure (for instance, “Macarena,” the video of which I find amusing since it looks like two bankers are singing it). Before we go on: Blog posts like this one require multimedia, so if you find a song you hate on this blog, I apologize. These are also songs that I almost never listen to because my sound system has a zero-tolerance policy — if I’m listening to the radio or a CD and I hear a song I don’t like, it’s, to quote Bad Company, gone gone gone. My blonde wife won’t be happy to read that one of her favorite ’90s songs, 4 Non Blondes’ “What’s Up,” starts the list. (However,…
    • “You have the right to remain silent …”
  • Madison
    • Blasts from the Madison media past
    • Blasts from my Madison past
    • Blasts from our Madison past
    • What’s the matter with Madison?
    • Wisconsin – Madison = ?
  • Sports
    • Athletic aesthetics, or “cardinal” vs. “Big Red”
    • Choose your own announcer
    • La Follette state 1982 (u0022It was 30 years ago todayu0022)
    • The North Dakota–Wisconsin Hockey Fight of 1982
    • Packers vs. Brewers
  • Hall of Fame
    • The case(s) against teacher unions
    • The Class of 1983
    • A hairy subject, or face the face
    • It’s worse than you think
    • It’s worse than you think, 2010–11 edition
    • My favorite interview subject of all time
    • Oh look! Rural people!
    • Prestegard for president!
    • Unions vs. the facts, or Hiding in plain sight
    • When rhetoric goes too far
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