Today in 1967, the four Beatles signed a contract to stay together as a group for a decade.
The group broke up three years later.
The number one British single today in 1970 came from that year’s Eurovision winner, a one-hit wonder:
Today in 1967, the four Beatles signed a contract to stay together as a group for a decade.
The group broke up three years later.
The number one British single today in 1970 came from that year’s Eurovision winner, a one-hit wonder:
In May of 2010, long-standing Wisconsin Congressman David Obey announced his retirement from the House of Representatives. Obey had first been elected in 1969, nearly a year before then up-and-coming Republican Congressman Paul Ryan was born. And even though Obey frequently criticized Ryan’s policies, Ryan issued a statement praising the stalwart Democrat for his service.
“David and I have had our policy disagreements over the years,” said Ryan, “but he has always had my respect.” Ryan noted that Obey had “served Wisconsin and served this country honorably,” and wished him the best.
It was not a courtesy always extended to Ryan when the now-Speaker of the House announced on Wednesday that he would not be seeking re-election. Shortly after the announcement, Democratic Madison-area Congressman Mark Pocan took to Twitter to post a single enthusiastic smiley face emoji, before posting an op-ed that accused Ryan of overseeing the Republican Party’s “moral demise.”
On Instagram, Democratic State Rep. Chris Taylor of Madison posted a snarky video of herself gleefully waving goodbye to a cardboard cutout of Ryan. On Twitter, Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett — a former congressman himself — used Ryan’s retirement to take a swipe at Republican Gov. Scott Walker. “If Paul Ryan is stepping down because he can’t defend his policy decisions to voters,” Barrett said, “perhaps Scott Walker should consider that too.” (Of course, Barrett tried to keep Walker from the governor’s office twice, and lost both times.)
And these were just the responsible people. In The New York Times, a Paul Krugman column accused Ryan of being complicit in supporting “fascism” by working with President Donald Trump. The Washington Post’s Jennifer Rubin offered “Three ways that Paul Ryan could recover his soul.” Randy Bryce, a Democratic candidate for Ryan’s former seat who goes by the moniker “Iron Stache,” ludicrously suggested it was the robustness of his facial hair that drove Ryan from the race.
This is a surprising level of grave-dancing from a party that just a year ago lost a presidential race to one of the most absurd candidates to ever run for the nation’s highest office. (And yes, the same could be said of the GOP, but they are not setting off fireworks over Ryan’s retirement.)
What is clearly evident is that even the basic mores of political decency are melting away, leaving us engaged in ideological war all the time. There’s no doubt that Donald Trump has a great deal to do with this change: “Magnanimity” is not a word synonymous with a man who took to Twitter just this Friday to once again label the woman he beat 16 months ago “Crooked Hillary.”
And it is Trump who has tarnished Ryan’s legacy as a man of dignity and principle, who suffered unspeakable abuse while never responding in kind.
Yet people forget that Trump happened in spite of Ryan, not because of him. And yes, while many conservatives took issue with Ryan’s eventual endorsement of Trump during the campaign, what exactly was Ryan supposed to do once Trump assumed office? Refuse to work with the president in passing legislation because of whatever fleeting offense Trump may have given that week? Should Ryan just have shut Congress down until the president decided to behave, or should he have continued trying to do the work demanded of him by his constituents and the voters that elected his members to Congress?
If anything, the undignified reaction on the left to Ryan’s retirement should provide a silver lining for Republicans, who look to be in for a difficult slate of November elections. As the union protests of 2011 demonstrated in Wisconsin, there is no anodyne issue to which progressives won’t ludicrously overreact. Just as their overreach seven years ago drove more Republicans into elected office in the state, so too can their histrionics in 2018. “Overplaying your hand” appears to be both the first and last chapter in the Democratic playbook.
Just three weeks ago, Ryan held a ceremony on the House floor to commemorate U.S. Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio) becoming the longest-serving woman in the history of the House of Representatives. Following his gracious speech, Ryan briefly hugged Kaptur and his long-time nemesis, Democratic Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi. It was a moment of dignity between political rivals that is becoming all too rare.
Evidently, we live in an era where some elected officials can’t be respectful even for a moment. Unless we can all grow up a little, America needs a more representative symbol than the bald eagle. Given the current quality of our members of Congress, perhaps a sad-face emoji will do.
What’s the biggest thing in Republicans’ favor? Democrats.
Michael Graham of CBSNews.com watched ABC-TV so you didn’t have to:
It’s the morning after the “Comey Interview” and, believe it or not, Donald Trump is still president.
If you watched the buildup to the release of the former FBI director’s new book and his prime-time ABC interview, this fact might come as a bit of a shock. Based on the press hype—and partisan hopes—surrounding the publication of James Comey’s A Higher Loyalty: Truth, Lies and Leadership, you’d expect this insider’s expose of Trump’s shocking scandals to be, if not the end of his presidency, the beginning of the end.
To paraphrase Mark Twain, the reports of Trump’s political death continue to be exaggerated. Comey’s book is unlikely to have any impact on Trump’s presidency—other than perhaps to strengthen Trump’s standing among his supporters.
Trump haters counting on the former head of the FBI to have career-ending dirt on Donald Trump will be gravely disappointed by Comey’s book. The only “big reveal” in A Higher Loyalty is how loyal Jim Comey is to … Jim Comey. For Washington insiders who’ve been dealing with him since the George W. Bush administration, this isn’t breaking news.
Lacking evidence of actual wrongdoing—in last night’s interview, Comey yet again refused to accuse President Trump of obstruction—Comey turned instead to the petty and political. He talked about Mr. Trump’s appearance (“His face appeared slightly orange with bright white half-moons under his eyes where I assumed he placed small tanning goggles”), the size of his hands (“As he extended his hand, I made a mental note to check its size. It was smaller than mine, but did not seem unusually so.”) and he called the president “morally unfit.” It was the sort of snarky partisan punditry found on cable news 24/7.
Then again, should we be surprised? if Comey ever did see actual wrongdoing by Mr. Trump, do we really believe we’d just be hearing about it from a notoriously leak-friendly fellow like Comey?
As Nate Silver of FiveThirtyEight.com tweeted, it’s “not particularly honorable, if you have information you believe is of immediate and vital national importance, to wait 11 months to release it until you can have a giant book launch and publicity tour.” Silver—no Trump fan– calls the book “A Higher Royalty.”
Trump supporters were dismissing the fired FBI director and his message before the book even hit, putting Comey’s story in the broader context of what they believe was a partisan, pro-Clinton FBI. Comey confirmed their view when he acknowledged that his decision to speak publicly in the last days of the campaign about Clinton’s email investigation was influenced by his assumption that Hillary was going to be his new boss.
“I was operating in a world where Hillary Clinton was gonna beat Donald Trump,” he told George Stephanopolous. “And so I’m sure that it was a factor [in my decision to announce the Clinton email case was being re-opened].” He also revealed that his wife and kids wanted Clinton to win, too, though Comey said that he didn’t vote in 2016.
To many on the Right, the ABC interview sounded an awful lot like a former Clinton staffer talking to a partisan Trump hater. And for obvious reasons.
One GOP campaign operative told me Comey’s book “is a home run for us. This guy hates Trump, and he ran the FBI. If they had anything on Trump, he’d know it, and he’d tell it.”
It’s hard to call a book that talks about allegations of Moscow prostitutes and bodily functions a “home run,” but the point is that this is yet another bullet that zipped by President Trump. The Left keeps announcing Donald Trump’s doom, and yet, he keeps showing up for work.
This weekend, for example, the New Yorker ran a piece entitled “Michael Cohen and the End Stage of the Trump Presidency,” arguing that the recent raid on the law offices of the president’s personal attorney Michael Cohen mark the final phase of his time in office. This is the week we know, with increasing certainty, that we are entering the last phase of the Trump presidency, Adam Davidson wrote.
Another anti-Trump website, LawAndCrime.com, made the case that the recent attack on Syria over its use of chemical weapons could result in the impeachment of both Trump and members of his cabinet.
Impeachment would be a worthy course corrective and is entirely proper under the circumstances,” wrote Colin Kalmbacher.
I’m going to go out on a limb and say that a Congress controlled by Republicans is not going to impeach a Republican president over bombing a dictator who used sarin gas on children. But for Trump opponents who still cannot accept that he won the election, every prediction of his imminent demise is seized upon and believed.
These are the people liberal activist Tom Steyer was targeting last night when he ran a NeedToImpeach.com ad during the Stephanopolous interview. Meanwhile, the percentage of Americans who want Congress to start impeachment proceedings is declining while Trump’s approve rating is rising (slightly).
Consider this: In the month or so between the Stormy Daniels interview on “60 Minutes” and the Comey interview last night, President Trump has been hit with a nonstop stream of negative press. And yet according to the latest Washington Post/ABC poll, Trump’s approval is at 44 percent among registered voters.
Donald Trump is not going to be shamed out of office by Jim Comey, or pushed out by an angry press corps, or laughed out by late-night comics. Yes, it’s still possible he might be led out of the Oval Office in handcuffs by Special Counsel Robert Mueller, but at this point that looks like a long shot.
Which means Democrats will be forced to drive Donald Trump out of the White House the old-fashioned way: The ballot box.
What’s worse, from the perspective of Trump-hating Democrats (pardon the redundancy) is that not only is Trump polling better, but according to the Washington Post the generic-Democrat advantage in Congressional races has dropped from 12 points to four points. It is ridiculous to predict the results of elections nearly seven months in advance (seven hours might be more accurate in our turbulent times), but predictions of that blue wave might be exaggerated too.
The Nov. 6 elections might be a test of the claim of the good-government types that partisan gerrymandering (more correctly termed “incumbent gerrymandering”) guarantees that certain parties win certain seats. Given the large number of Republicans not running in November, including U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan (R–Janesville), if most of them are replaced with Democrats the gerrymandering arguments will lose considerable weight.
The Beatles had the number one single on both sides of the Atlantic today in 1964:
The number one British single today in 1972 wasn’t exactly a one-hit wonder, but it wasn’t a traditional hit either:
Tax time is here again, but while almost 100 percent of households will be filing their federal taxes, only about 40 percent will actually pay any. According to the Congressional Budget Office, 60 percent of U.S. households actually receive more money from the federal government than they pay in all federal taxes combined.
This sobering statistic draws a huge question mark over the oft-repeated claim that the rich don’t “pay their fair share,” because as it stands, the poor and middle-class pay less than nothing when both taxes and transfers are considered.
Transfers are the other side of the tax coin: money households receive from the government through programs like the earned income tax credit, Social Security, income assistance and various welfare supports. They are, in effect, negative taxes by which the government hands people money instead of taking it away.
Ignoring transfers, the bottom 20 percent of households pay an average effective tax rate of around 5 percent, and middle-income households pay around 17 percent. The top 1 percent? They pay 34 percent after their deductions, exemptions and write-offs. Even though the top 1 percent earn almost 20 percent of all the income in the United States, they pay 40 percent of all federal taxes.
But when we account for transfers, the average household among the poorest 20 percent actually experiences a negative federal tax rate — receiving $9,600 in transfers while paying only $800 in taxes, for a minus 56 percent effective tax rate.
Even the average middle-class household receives more back from the federal government ($16,700) than it pays in taxes ($8,900). Accounting for both taxes and transfers, only 40 percent of households are net payers in the end, which is why every proposed tax cut is met with the charge that it is one more “tax cut for the rich.” When only the richest 40 percent of households are net payers, by definition, every tax cut is a tax cut for the rich.
None of this is news to the politicians who fiddle endlessly with the tax code. If they can convince voters that the rich aren’t paying their fair share, politicians are then in the clear to tweak the U.S. tax code. And tweak it they do, always toward the same end: buying votes. Politicians have made the tax code so progressive that a near super-majority of Americans actually benefit from increased taxation.
Politicians promise all sorts of largesse in exchange for votes. Once elected, they ratchet up taxes on the 40 percent of net payers and dole out benefits to the 60 percent of net receivers.
This explains why both major parties have become such fans of big government. Bigger government means more taxes. More taxes means more money to dole out to voters in the form of one new program after another. More handouts for voters mean more votes for politicians who deliver the handouts. And the government grows year over year, regardless of which party finds itself in power.
The real question that taxpayers should be asking this tax season is a simple one: What percentage of the American public should be exempt from paying any federal tax at all? Because anyone truly concerned about people paying their fair share would likely not answer, “60 percent.”
The number one British album today in 1965 was “The Freewheelin’ Bob Dylan”:
Today in 1970, Johnny Cash performed at the White House, getting a request from its resident:
For the GOP, hand-wringing and self-reflection seem to be the order of the day following the resignation of House Speaker Paul Ryan. Many see this as yet another ill omen of a midterm-election shellacking by the Democrats. Maybe, but it doesn’t have to be that way.
Give Ryan his due: He pushed through the giant GOP tax-cut bill and, along with Trump, deserves a great deal of credit for the improved tone of the U.S. economy, in particular its robust jobs growth. And, in a city increasingly marked by bitterly divisive and mean-spirited partisanship, Ryan stood out as a genuinely nice person.
That could be seen in his classy exit speech, which focused on accomplishments, not finger-pointing.
“We’ve gotten tax reform done for the first time in a generation. We’ve rebuilt the military from being hollowed out, which was really important,” he said. “We deregulated the economy, which is really helping the economy grow.”
For the GOP, hand-wringing and self-reflection seem to be the order of the day following the resignation of House Speaker Paul Ryan. Many see this as yet another ill omen of a midterm-election shellacking by the Democrats. Maybe, but it doesn’t have to be that way.
Give Ryan his due: He pushed through the giant GOP tax-cut bill and, along with Trump, deserves a great deal of credit for the improved tone of the U.S. economy, in particular its robust jobs growth. And, in a city increasingly marked by bitterly divisive and mean-spirited partisanship, Ryan stood out as a genuinely nice person.
That could be seen in his classy exit speech, which focused on accomplishments, not finger-pointing.

“We’ve gotten tax reform done for the first time in a generation. We’ve rebuilt the military from being hollowed out, which was really important,” he said. “We deregulated the economy, which is really helping the economy grow.”When Ryan gives as reasons for quitting that he wants to watch his kids grow up and is tired of Washington, we don’t doubt it. He didn’t ask to be House speaker. His party chose him.
Moreover, virtually alone in Washington, he has pushed and pushed to have spending and entitlement reforms that would put the U.S. budget back onto fiscally sound footing, rather than sliding into fiscal hell, as we are now. At least he tried.
Unfortunately, now many in the GOP see Ryan’s departure as a sure sign they can’t win in November. Given recent special elections, which have been dominated by Democrat winners, there’s reason to think they’re right.
Even so, that’s no reason to give up on basic principles. Indeed, if anything, Republicans have every reason to double-down on their core beliefs of smaller, more responsive government, low taxes, rule of law, and personal responsibility over collective responsibility.
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EDITORIALS
After Ryan’s Departure, GOP Can Avoid Dreaded ‘Blue Wave’ Only By Fighting For Bedrock Principles

4/12/2018
For the GOP, hand-wringing and self-reflection seem to be the order of the day following the resignation of House Speaker Paul Ryan. Many see this as yet another ill omen of a midterm-election shellacking by the Democrats. Maybe, but it doesn’t have to be that way.Give Ryan his due: He pushed through the giant GOP tax-cut bill and, along with Trump, deserves a great deal of credit for the improved tone of the U.S. economy, in particular its robust jobs growth. And, in a city increasingly marked by bitterly divisive and mean-spirited partisanship, Ryan stood out as a genuinely nice person.
That could be seen in his classy exit speech, which focused on accomplishments, not finger-pointing.
“We’ve gotten tax reform done for the first time in a generation. We’ve rebuilt the military from being hollowed out, which was really important,” he said. “We deregulated the economy, which is really helping the economy grow.
When Ryan gives as reasons for quitting that he wants to watch his kids grow up and is tired of Washington, we don’t doubt it. He didn’t ask to be House speaker. His party chose him.
Moreover, virtually alone in Washington, he has pushed and pushed to have spending and entitlement reforms that would put the U.S. budget back onto fiscally sound footing, rather than sliding into fiscal hell, as we are now. At least he tried.

Unfortunately, now many in the GOP see Ryan’s departure as a sure sign they can’t win in November. Given recent special elections, which have been dominated by Democrat winners, there’s reason to think they’re right.Even so, that’s no reason to give up on basic principles. Indeed, if anything, Republicans have every reason to double-down on their core beliefs of smaller, more responsive government, low taxes, rule of law, and personal responsibility over collective responsibility.
They should assume the worst: They’ll go down in flames to the Democrats, who, along with the mainstream media, have basically run into the American theater every day for the last year and a half yelling “fire” while pushing a big-government agenda that will impoverish us all. If Americans buy the Democrats’ dire baloney amid our unusual economic prosperity and deregulation, Ryan will be handing his gavel over to a Democrat — maybe even giving it back to far-left relic Nancy Pelosi.
But, ever the optimist, Ryan doesn’t think so.
“I have every confidence that I’ll be handing this gavel on to the next Republican speaker of the House next year,” Ryan said, in announcing his retirement.
Asked how much of a role the chance of a congressional landslide by the Democrats played in his decision, his answer was direct: “None whatsoever, actually.”
But rank-and-file Republicans are worried about being hit by a Democrat blue tidal wave this fall. Already, 24 Republicans have announced they will retire from the House this year, “the most in one congressional cycle dating back to 1973, according to ‘casualty lists’ compiled by the congressional reporting outlet Roll Call,” wrote The Daily Signal.
Both House Majority Whip Steve Scalise, the No. 3 GOP leader in the House, and Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy are considered logical replacements for Ryan.
But here’s the point: No matter who takes over, they face an uphill battle.
In the meantime, presuming that current polls are correct and Democrats could take back the House in November, why should the Republicans continue to wallow in defeatism?
Wouldn’t it be far better for the conservative cause they espouse and say they deeply believe in to go down fighting, pushing for major welfare and entitlement reforms, making the Trump tax cuts permanent, putting dozens of judges on the bench that actually respect the Constitution, curbing spending by big government, cutting even more regulations, building our defense, and putting an end to our open-door immigration policies?
If they showed that kind of courage, they might be surprised that a lot of voters would support them — and maybe they’d even hold the House and the Senate.
We know losing is not fun. But here’s a message to the GOP faithful in both the House and the Senate:
Our country is in the middle of a historic and bitterly divisive debate over whether it will continue to be a republic built on individual rights and limited government, or become a kind of postmodern, politically correct, progressive social democracy with limited individual rights and creeping collectivism.
It’s no exaggeration to say our very freedoms and traditions as a republic are at stake. If you truly believe what you say you do, don’t quit. Fight for what you believe in. There’s deep respect for those who fight hard but lose, and none at all for those who walk away from the fight.
In a normal time, the announcement that the Republican speaker of the House is retiring to spend more time with his family — after just a few years on the job — at a moment when Republicans control the federal government and have more officeholders nationwide than at any time in almost a century and the economy is roaring would be almost unimaginable. But that news is already starting to feel like one of those mildly interesting things that happened last week, like when you find a lone curly fry in your bag of normal fries.
As a general proposition, I don’t like getting to know politicians. The list of reasons why is too long to lay out in its entirety here. But some of the top reasons include:
Most politicians are actually pretty boring. Maybe they’re not boring with constituents and their friends, or when they’re tying women to bed posts, but around pundit types, they often tend to be so cautious and untrusting (I wonder why!) that normal conversations outside of sports (which I am hardly fluent in) often become awkward and, sometimes, painful.
Many are conniving and needy. I’m always amazed by how many House members remind me of characters from Glengarry Glen Ross. They may not be constantly begging for the good leads, but they’re always looking to make a sale, work an angle, or get some advantage. Many older Republicans love to complain, like Jack Lemmon’s Shelley Levene over a cup of cold coffee, that they’re never given the respect they’re due from conservative journalists. The senators are often Stepford Politicians. You can almost hear the gears grinding inside their skulls as they try to figure out how the biped in front of their Ocular Sensors could be useful, or detrimental, to their future presidential run. Again, this may not be how they are with normal people. It might just be how they treat people in my line of work, particularly if they don’t know them. Lions don’t make friends with hyenas and all that.
Very few of them are intellectually interesting. I have no idea what the numbers are — but it seems to me that very few politicians are really interested in ideas, save when tactics, marketing ploys, and stratagems can be gussied up as ideas. This doesn’t mean they’re not smart — or, at least, cunning — but for both good and ill, politics doesn’t reward being able to talk about de Tocqueville nearly as much as it rewards being able to remember the first names of every car-dealership mogul and union honcho in your district.
There are exceptions to all of these things, of course. Mike Gallagher is a really interesting and fun congressman. Kevin McCarthy isn’t an intellectual as far as I can tell, but he comes across as the kind of guy you’d want to go to Vegas with. Ben Sasse — my occasional podcast victim — is the rare exception to all of these observations. I’m not sure he’d be a good Vegas wingman (he’d probably be constantly asking the pit boss about casino metrics of something or other), but he’s almost surely the most intellectually engaging senator since Pat Moynihan.
All that said, the most important reason I try to avoid getting to know politicians is that friendship is a burden.
Because I haven’t bought that pill whose main ingredient was originally found in jellyfish, I can’t remember if I’ve written this before, but I bring this up all the time in speeches. My policy towards politicians is similar to that of research scientists towards their lab animals: You don’t want to get too attached, because you might have to stick the needle in deep one day.
It’s much easier to jab Test Subject 37B than it is to stab Mr. Whiskers.
Similarly, it’s easier to give politicians a hard time if you don’t feel any personal loyalty to them. As I’ve long argued, friendship can be far more corrupting than money (if a friend asked me to write a column on their book, I’d sincerely consider it. If a stranger offered me cash to write about it, I’d show him the anterior side of the digit between my index and ring fingers).
And that brings me to Paul Ryan.
I’ll admit upfront: I like Paul Ryan, personally. I’ve known him a bit for years. No, we’re not buddies. I’ve never gone bow-hunting with him or eaten a single cheese curd in his presence (a bonding ritual in his native lands). But even before I met him, I felt I knew and understood him better than most politicians. I started in D.C. as a larval think tanker, and so did Ryan. We’re about the same age (I know, I know: I look so much younger — and healthier) and share a lot of the same intellectual and political lodestars. There was a time when Jack Kemp was my Dashboard Saint, too.
I’ll spare you all the punditry about Ryan’s retirement (I’ll simply say ditto about Dan McLaughlin, Jim Geraghty, and John Podhoretz’s takes). I think he’s telling the truth about wanting to be with his family. But I also think, if we were on Earth-2 and President Mitch Daniels were in office and Republicans were enjoying the luxury of a boring and mature presidency that was tackling head-on the Sweet Fiscal Crisis of Death coming our way, the pull of Ryan’s family might not have been nearly so acute.
Again, I’m biased. But as a general rule, whether you’re on the right or the left, if you personally hate Paul Ryan, that’s an indicator to me that you’re an unreasonable person. Sure, you can disagree with him. You can be disappointed in him. But if you buy the claptrap from the Krugmanite Left or the Bannonite Right about Ryan, if you think he’s evil or a fraud, I’m going to assume you’re part of the problem in our politics.
As Jonathan Last and Michael Warren pointed out on a Weekly Standard podcast, the hatred aimed at Ryan, and also people like Marco Rubio, from the Left stems from the fact that Ryan and Rubio defy the strawman the Left so desperately wants to have as an enemy. How dare they be thoughtful and compassionate! How dare they be young and attractive! By what right do they make serious arguments for conservative policies! To paraphrase Steve Martin in The Jerk, they listen to their serious responses to journalists’ questions, and scream at the Maître d’, “This isn’t what we ordered! Now bring me those toasted cheesy gaffes you talked us out of!”
Beyond the brass-tacks punditry on the significance of Ryan’s retirement — what this means for the midterms, etc. — there is a deeper historical and political significance. I’ve been saying for a couple years now that conservatism, stripped of prudential, traditional, and dogmatic adornment, boils down to simply two things: The idea that character matters and the idea that ideas matter. Stripped of the compromises Ryan made and the decisions he was forced into, Ryan’s career boils down to modeling these two things. He is a man of deeply decent character, and he’s a man that cares deeply about the importance of ideas. Did he fall short of the ideal? Of course. Who hasn’t?
There’s a reason Bill Rusher’s favorite psalm was, “Put not your faith in princes.”
Politicians are flawed not only because of the incentive structure that is inherent to their jobs but also because, to borrow a phrase from social science, they’re people.
(Pat Moynihan had his flaws. You could set up a bowling alley using his weekly allotment of wine bottles as the pins. He wrote like a liberal-leaning neocon intellectual, but he voted like a ward-heeling Irish politician.)
The fact that Paul Ryan was a man out of place in his own party says far more about the state of the GOP than it does about the man. Consider this week alone:
A president who cheated on his first wife with his second and “allegedly” cheated on his third with a porn star is tweeting that Jim Comey is a “slimeball.”The president’s personal PR team over at Hannity HQ is calling Robert Mueller the head of a crime family.The CBO just announced that we’re in store for trillion-dollar deficits for as far as the eye can see.The president is tweeting taunts about how his missiles are shinier toys than Putin’s.The president’s nominee for secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, a once passionate and thoughtful defender of Congress’s sole right to authorize war, is now invoking law-review articles as justification for a president’s right to wage war on a whim.The president’s lawyer’s office was raided by the FBI (not Bob Mueller’s team, by the way) after getting a warrant from a judge and following all of the onerous protocols of the Justice Department, and the former speaker of the House — and avowed historian — is insisting that the Cohen and Manafort raids are morally equivalent to the tactics of Stalin and Hitler. I’m pretty sure the Gestapo didn’t have “clean teams” to protect attorney-client privilege (particularly of dudes named “Cohen”), and last I checked the KGB wasn’t big on warrants.On Monday evening, the president convened a televised war council and spent the first ten minutes sputtering about how outraged he was by an inquiry into a pay-off of his porn-star paramour.And people are shocked that Paul Ryan isn’t comfortable in Washington?
Steve Hayes is right that Ryan was “always more a creature of the conservative movement than of GOP politics. His departure punctuates the eclipse of that movement within the party.”
The GOP will never be the same. We’ve known this instinctively for a while. But Ryan’s departure removes all doubt. He was too good for the job — and the party.
The number one British single today in 1969:
Today in 1969, MC5 demonstrated how not to protest a department store’s failure to sell your albums: Take out an Ann Arbor newspaper ad that says “F— Hudsons” (without the dashes).
Not only did Hudsons not change its mind, Elektra Records dropped MC5.
Detective Kenneth Hutchinson of a California police department had the number one single today in 1977:
The song of the day (even though tax day is not until April 17 this year):
The number one single today in 1972: