Today in 1967 was the Monterey International Pop Festival:
Happy birthday first to Paul McCartney:
Today in 1967 was the Monterey International Pop Festival:
Happy birthday first to Paul McCartney:
The number five song today in 1967 …
… was 27 spots higher than this song reached in 1978:
Birthdays start with Jerry Fielding, who composed the theme music to …
Sen. Josh Hawley has a new book out called Manhood: The Masculine Virtues America Needs. It’s a combination of a manhood book and a politics book. He frames it as a battle between a biblical view of manhood and an “Epicurean” one that he associates with leftism. In the balance of this battle is the future of the American Experiment. Thus Hawley presents a smaller battle – right vs. left – as an echo of a larger one – the Bible vs. Epicurus. By beating back leftism today, one is not just winning a contemporary political struggle, but striking a blow in a cosmic struggle.
Manhood is divided into two parts. The first is an overview of manhood drawn from an mythic interpretation of Genesis. I use the term mythic here in a positive sense as referring to primal truths, not in a negative one that the story isn’t true. The second is a series of chapters on archetypal roles men are supposed to play: Husband, Father, Warrior, Builder, Priest, and King. These echo the well known book King, Warrior, Magician, Lover: Rediscovering the Archetypes of the Mature Masculine. His use of a mythic and archetypal framing – for example, his description of creation as about chaos and order – is clearly influenced by Jordan Peterson.
I have not listened to Jordan Peterson’s lectures on Genesis, but clearly the way he talks about the world resonates strongly with young men today. So it makes sense for Hawley draw on that kind of rhetorical pattern in framing his arguments. I actually found his takes on Genesis interesting. Some of it was standard stuff, other parts of it were described in ways I have not observed in church. For example, he says:
Look closely. In the Genesis story, Eden is the only place of order and flourishing the Bible describes. It is the only park, the only garden, the only outpost of peace. When we learn anything of the land beyond Eden’s borders, it appears untamed, wild. Dark forces lurk there. A sly and wicked serpent will enter the story a chapter later in Genesis, and from where? Beyond the garden’s edge. That place, the place beyond, looms as a site of potential development, yes—God has made it and brought it forth from the deep—but also of darkness and disorder. It is, as yet, unfinished. Adam’s job is to help finish it, to bring it into order. His job is to expand the garden temple…The earth beyond the garden may be unkept, there may be malevolence there in some form, but Genesis insists God created even this world and called it good. It is not desolate; it is merely unfinished. It will respond to man’s work. And Adam is to work it. His effort will bring forth the hidden purposes of the world.
My interest here is not a theological appraisal, but rather how Hawley frames creation and man’s role in it, as a sort of avatar of God assigned to “bring forth the hidden purposes of the world.” This strikes me as relating to a sort of heroic quest for secret knowledge. It involves, like the hero’s journey, a process of personal transformation. He writes, “The Bible offers a purpose that summons each man, a purpose that will transform him. A man cannot stay as he is, not if he is to take on the mission of manhood.”
My take is that the goal with this is to create a vision of manhood linked to some noble, transcendent purpose. I have noted before that Christian teachers and other often present manhood about little more than self-sacrifice. There’s plenty of that in Hawley’s book to be sure, but he’s trying to present the masculine quest as something ennobling as well.
He also differs from many in treating men as ends and not just means. Like Peterson, he says that they matter.
Genesis encourages every man who struggles to see the point of his life, who feels that his work is a waste, or who wonders whether he will amount to anything to think again. Your work matters. Your life matters. Your character matters. You can help the world become what it was meant to be. And that is no small thing.
There is an element here of seeing men as a existing for something else (versus having value in the own right), but unlike, say, Mark Driscoll’s presentation of manhood as a life of joyless toil, this is presented as something more aspirational – putting the world in order – and more in the line of “we really need you on the team.” I see this as a significant improvement over the standard conservative line towards men.
Also very notable is his description of the King archetype, where he explicitly affirms the goodness of men exercising authority:
It is good for a man to exercise authority—good for him and for those around him, provided he does it well. It is good that a man show ambition, that he aim to do something useful with his life….To young men, we should send a clear message: Dominion is good, and you should exercise it. Aim to do something with your life. Aim to exercise some leadership. Aim to accept responsibility for yourself—and others. Aim to have the character of a king.
This is also refreshingly contrary to the standard conservative line.
And, interestingly, he rejects Richard Reeves proposal to encourage men to go into the caring professions and live in more stereotypical female ways. He says, “To the experts safely ensconced in their think tanks, I would just say this: Is it really too much to ask that our economy work for men as they are, rather than as the left wants them to be?” While it’s unlikely mass highly paid blue collar employment will reemerge in the way Hawley hopes, rejecting the idea reprogramming of men to be more like women is a positive.
While Hawley’s book is an advance over the standard conservative a Christian fare in some areas, it still has some significant issues.
The first and biggest is that it is written with essentially gender egalitarian, that is to say feminist, assumptions. This isn’t explicitly stated, but is made clear in a number of ways. The first is his use of the two separate archetypes of Husband and Father, rather than the integrated Patriarch archetype. We also see it in his treatment of covenant. He says that, “A covenant in the ancient world was an agreement between a partner of high status and a servant.” He rejects this for the marriage covenant though, saying, “For a marriage, too, is a covenant—a promise made and a vow taken, only in this case, between equals.” This is one of many areas of the book that cried out for an explanation with none forthcoming. (My point here is not to make my own argument about the nature of covenant or marriage, but to point out the weird and unexplained exception for marriage Hawley carves out in his treatment of covenant).
But most notably, we see the egalitarian stance in the treatment of the Husband and King archetypes. The Husband is supposed to make vow, endure, protect and provide. But nowhere does he discuss any concept of the Husband having headship or exercising leadership, not even of the evangelical “servant leadership” variety. (Hawley is an evangelical presbyterian). And while he praises the use of authority by the King archetype, he never situates this in a familial context.
Hawley affirms gender complementarity and a gender binary, but this is similar to evangelical egalitarianism, which talks about “complementarity without hierarchy.” He does speak about “traditional gender roles” but his application of them is thin, limited to things like different occupational types (as above), but pointedly not to men as head of the home. It’s possible he personally adheres to a complementarian gender theology – I don’t know – but if so he does not put it into this book. Tellingly, a critical review in the Washington Post notes the egalitarian flourishes in the book.
This egalitarian stance is important because it fundamentally undermines the entire argument of his book. Hawley is trying to go back to Genesis to define manhood as something ancient, eternal, and designed by God into the fabric of the world. At the same time, he wants to adopt gender egalitarianism for husband-wife relationships, something that’s only around 50-70 years old and a view that, dare I saw it, is of the Epicurean variety.
Thus Hawley is similar to other conservatives in adopting the “two sets of books” approach. Men are supposed to live up to the old set of books in terms of what is expected to them. But women are allowed to live by a new set of books that frees them from their old obligations – and men are supposed to be ok with this. This is nothing but a recipe for being a chump. It’s like the Jim Geraghty video for PragerU in which he urges men to act more like Ward Cleaver, the dad from the 1950s TV sitcom “Leave It to Beaver.” But Geraghty would never dream of telling women to act like June Cleaver, the wife and mother from that TV show.
This is one of the basic challenges with society today. It demands that men continue to fulfill the traditional obligations of manhood such as self-sacrifice, provisioning for others, etc. while giving up all the power, privileges, honors, and prestige they previously enjoyed – and freeing women completely from their previous traditional obligations.
That is essentially what a book about masculine virtues written from a de facto gender egalitarian position amounts to.
You can say that men, women, and society should live by the old rules. You can say the men, women, and society should live by new rules. But it’s ridiculous to demand that men live by the old rules (when it comes to obligations at least), while women and the rest of society live by new ones.
Some of the negatives trends in American men that Hawley identifies are a result of bad actions and bad character on the part of men. But some of them are a result of men rationally refusing to play to this mug’s game. As Helen Smith one put it, some men are going on strike.
Hawley recognizes this effect in some domains like economics, hence his call to rebuild a viable blue collar economy. But he doesn’t recognize it in areas like marriage, where we’ve institutionalized the “Epicurean” position with things like no-fault divorce, with women being the ones filing for it 70% of the time. That doesn’t factor into his analysis of marriage rates or fatherlessness at all. It’s deeply unfair to the men who wanted to be present at home with their children, but aren’t because their wives divorced them without just cause and got custody of the kids.
The book also oddly argues against the pursuit of status. Hawley writes:
There is not a man alive, not a human being drawing breath on this vast earth, who does not crave status. It is what the Bible calls the pride of life. Practically the whole of modern living is geared around it. Universities promise higher status; advertising sells consumer goods as status symbols; even entertainment has become a form of status. And you can spend your life seeking after it, thirsting and lusting for it—or you can live for something other than you. But you cannot do both. Either you live for status—which is living for you—or you sacrifice that life, that entire way of life, for something better.
Elsewhere he writes, “Sacrifice your pride. Give up the quest for status.” I say this is odd because the book is positive towards the exercise of power. He says the exercise of authority is good, ambition is good, dominion is good. Power and status aren’t the same things, but they overlap a lot. And in our society it’s frequently necessary to play status games to acquire authority. Status is also intimately linked to our ability to succeed at the basics of manhood that Hawley encourages, such as getting married. As Jordan Peterson points out, “Girls are attracted to boys that win status competitions with other boys.” A man devoid of status is unlikely to marry in our society. He will probably end up as an “incel” (involuntary celibate).
Hawley himself has obvious pursued status – and very successfully. He went to Stanford and then Yale Law School, arguably the country’s most prestigious. He won a highly competitive Supreme Court clerkship. Now he is a US Senator. And good for him that he did this. There’s nothing wrong with that. Had he not sought out status markers like a Supreme Court clerkship, he would never have found himself in the position to exercise authority that he has today. He also wouldn’t have met, much less married his wife, who is a high powered attorney in her own right.
Unfortunately, there are a lot of oddities and seeming contradictions of this variety in the book.
Finally, I will note that the book is written in a style multiple grade levels below Jordan Peterson’s 12 Rules for Life. I’m not sure why that is, as he’s obviously capable of very good writing and Peterson proves men will devour higher level material. (I would personally have liked to have read a book that was not political, and gave free range to Hawley’s intellect).
Also, unlike with Jordan Peterson, there’s little practical, actionable advice. Manhood has the grand vision of masculinity, but not the guide for how to get there. I didn’t come away from the book with anything I could change practically to become a better man.
The genius of Jordan Peterson was packaging folk wisdom in elevated rhetoric. He gave the grand vision of the cosmos and manhood, but he also gave men news they can use (e.g., to attract women, you need status), and very practical steps like “Stand up straight with your shoulders back” and “Clean your room, bucko.” What makes these so effective is that they work metaphorically, but also practically. If you don’t know how to put your life in order, you really can start by just physically cleaning your room. Even taken naïvely, they still work.
Because Hawley’s book lacks this, it can ultimately come across as just another call to “Man up!” The book’s flaws probably also explain why he has not developed an organic following as a men’s guru. (His speech at TPUSA, for example, was to an audience someone else convened).
But I think the positive takeaway from Manhood is the way that it tries to advance the masculinity discussion in a better direction from a conservative perspective. It tries to learn from Jordan Peterson in terms of trying to frame manhood in a transcendent way as something aspirational. It treats men as having real value in themelves. And it treats men exercising authority in an appropriate way as good and proper. All of these needs to be carried forward into future conservative works on the topic of manhood.
Two comments on the piece:
I would add that many of the good outcomes in life come as a side effect of “doing the right thing.” When people focus on achieving the side effect directly, they often fail.
In this case, pursue excellence for its inherent value, and as a side effect you will get respect, status, women will be attracted to you, etc. Pursue those side effects directly and you will be likely to go astray.
“The pursuit of happiness” is similarly misguided. Do the right thing, find your place in God’s order, live a life that you can be convicted is pleasing to God, and happiness follows. Most of the self-help books that consist of anything else (navel gazing, dealing with your problems and your imperfect childhood and your baggage from the past, etc.) are worse than worthless. Go find a positive way to live; don’t “pursue happiness.”
Ditto for all the young men and women ruing their loneliness. Pursue excellence as a human being, become more interesting and attractive to the opposite sex as a side effect. The Manosphere/Game direct approaches are a sham by comparison.
Dueling ex-Beatles today: In 1978, one year after the play “Beatlemania” opened on Broadway …
… Ringo Starr released his “Bad Boy” album …
… while Paul McCartney and Wings released “I’ve Had Enough”:
The number six song one year later (with no known connection to Mr. Spock):
Stop! for the number eight single today in 1990 …
… which bears an interesting resemblance to an earlier song:
Put the two together, and you get …
Today in 1956, 15-year-old John Lennon met 13-year-old Paul McCartney when Lennon’s band, the Quarrymen, played at a church dinner.
Birthdays today start with David Rose, the composer of a song many high school bands have played (really):
Nigel Pickering, guitarist of Spanky and Our Gang:
Today in 1965, the Beatles released “Beatles VI,” their seventh U.S. album:
Twenty-five years later, Frank Sinatra reached number 32, but probably number one in New York:
Nine years and a different coast later, Carole King got her star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame:
Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, a Republican, slammed former President Donald Trump over his handling of classified documents, saying that Trump—who is facing 37 felony charges—has no one to blame but himself.
“He has shown himself, particularly in his post-presidency, to be completely self-centered, completely self-consumed, and doesn’t give a damn about the American people, if what the American people want isn’t best for him,” said Christie.
Christie made these remarks during a CNN town hall with Anderson Cooper on Monday night. Christie is seeking the 2024 Republican nomination for the presidency; during his remarks, he laid into Trump, the frontrunner, as well as other rivals for the nomination—including Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis—who have failed to condemn the actions of the former president.
“He’s angry and he’s vengeful,” Christie said of Trump. “And he said ‘I will be your retribution.’ He wants retribution for himself. I’m convinced that if he goes back to the White House, the next four years will be all about him settling scores.”
Fewer than 72 hours have passed since the unsealing of the federal indictment against Donald Trump on charges relating to his alleged mishandling of classified documents and his efforts to mislead investigators. The revelations in that document inspired pollsters to take the temperature of the Republican electorate, and their findings confirmed Trump critics’ worst suspicions: GOP voters are still yet to rethink their allegiance to the dominant figure in Republican politics.
CBS News/YouGov pollsters found that 76 percent of GOP primary voters surveyed on Friday and Saturday dismissed the indictment as “politically motivated.” While 80 percent of all adults said Trump’s careless stewardship of classified materials represented a “national security risk,” only 38 percent of Republican voters agreed. Sixty-one percent of GOP voters said the news wouldn’t have any impact on their views of Trump, and 80 percent said the former president should still be able to serve in the White House if convicted.
In the same time frame, an ABC News/Ipsos poll produced similar results. Just 38 percent of self-identified Republicans described the charges against Trump as “serious,” compared with 61 percent of the general public and 63 percent of self-identified independents. That survey found that the public’s views on Trump’s fitness for high office remain largely unchanged by the indictment, which is hardly shocking given the recency of the event and the voting public’s hardened views on the candidate.
These results generated spasms of outrage among the GOP’s critics. How, they asked, could Republicans still stand by this man given the gravity of the allegations he is facing? Of course, recent history does indicate that Republican voters’ affinities for Trump are not conditional, and time alone will not suffice to convince the GOP-primary electorate that the revelations in this or any other forthcoming criminal indictments are disqualifying. If the details contained in the indictment are going to bite, Republican officials and the right-leaning media elites GOP voters trust will first have to press the case it makes against Trump.
There would be precedent for that sort of attitudinal shift. A survey of some of the most divisive issues among Republicans suggests that GOP voters’ views are fluid and subject to revision — a condition that is masked by the absolutist bombast so often deployed by recent converts to the emerging orthodoxy. Take, for example, the issue of immigration.
The conventional wisdom that emerged in the wake of Barack Obama’s 2012 reelection maintained that the GOP would have to soften its opposition to comprehensive immigration reform if it hoped to compete among Hispanic voters. That point of view was lent credence across the spectrum of right-wing influencers, from Sean Hannity’s primetime Fox News Channel program to much of the GOP conference in Congress. Accordingly, by 2014, six-in-ten self-described Republicans supported legislation that would establish legal residency for illegal migrants. All that changed with the rise of Donald Trump and his demonstration in 2016 that a hardline policy toward illegal immigration wasn’t an insurmountable obstacle to electoral success. By 2018, Republican voters indicated in polls that they not only opposed the legalization of the nation’s illegal population but wanted to reduce legal immigration into the U.S. Trump argued the case, and he won the argument.
A similar phenomenon characterized Republican voters’ schizophrenia when it came to American intervention in the conflict in Syria. In April 2013, while Obama was seeking any and every available means to avoid acting on his self-set “red line” for military action against the Assad regime, 56 percent of Republicans supported strikes on Syrian targets. But by late summer of that year, Obama seemed to acquiesce to pressure and handed the issue off to Senate Democrats, who were prepared to authorize those strikes. That was when Republican opinion flipped. On the eve of the most confused speech of Obama’s presidency, in which he made the case for action in Syria while insisting Moscow had saved him from having to act on his convictions, only about 20 percent of Republicans still backed the strikes. In the interim, Republican influencers had turned against the project, and their supporters followed their leads.
Early in his tenure, Donald Trump executed targeted strikes on Syrian facilities in response to a nerve-gas attack against civilians, which 86 percent of Republicans backed. Republicans were caught off guard in December of the following year, when Trump performed an about-face and sought the removal of U.S. forces from western Syria — a decision that prompted the resignation of Defense Secretary James Mattis. In the summer of 2018, nearly 70 percent of GOP voters endorsed U.S. involvement in the fight against “Islamic extremist groups in Iraq and Syria.” But when Trump flipped, so, too, did his loyalists with access to microphones, and Republican voters followed suit. By January 2019, only 30 percent of Republicans believed it would be the “wrong decision” to pull all U.S. troops from Syria.
More recently, the debate over the proper level of U.S. support for Ukraine’s effort to resist Russia’s war of territorial expansion has followed a similar trajectory. Within the first month of the invasion, Republicans sided with the majority of Americans who believed Joe Biden hadn’t done enough to support Ukraine in advance of the Russian onslaught. Most Republicans joined Democrats and independents in support of a NATO-backed no-fly zone over Ukraine. But a familiar pattern emerged as the loudest voices in Republican politics agitated against U.S. support for Kyiv. By April of this year, majorities of Republican voters and GOP-leaning independents concluded that the war in Europe did not imperil vital U.S. interests and opposed providing material support for Ukraine’s resistance.
None of this is to say that Republican voters are uniquely susceptible to influence; this is an observably bipartisan phenomenon. What it indicates is that these are complex issues that require deep historical knowledge and a background understanding of policy to fully grasp. As we might expect from representative government, voters outsource that work to their representatives and the experts in the world of politics whom they trust.
For now, the indictment has failed to change Republican voters’ affection for Trump. But we can only expect that condition to pertain indefinitely if influential Republicans who have earned the confidence of GOP voters decline to popularize the case made against Trump in this indictment. And perhaps that’s what will happen. After all, Trump’s opponents are hostage to the shadows on the wall, too.
History suggests that Republican voters’ views are not static. They can change provided the right inputs. The real question is what Trump’s rivals for the 2024 nomination will do. If they press the case against him, they’ll stand a chance of winning voters away from his side. If they instead take the path of least resistance, dismissing the significance of the DOJ’s indictment because making the case that Donald Trump jeopardized U.S. national security is just too hard, his odds of being the Republican nominee in 2024 will remain good.
Ben Shapiro:
President Trump has apparently now been indicted on seven criminal charges in the classified documents case. You’ll recall that this case actually began after it turned out that President Trump had a bunch of documents at Mar-a-Lago and those documents were requested by the National Archives and Records Administration.
The National Archives warned Trump they could escalate the issue to prosecutors or Congress if he continued to refuse to hand over the documents. He had also been warned by former Trump White House lawyer Eric Herschmann that he could face serious legal jeopardy if he did not comply.
After about 15 of those boxes were returned, officials discovered there were hundreds of pages of classified material in the boxes. Federal law enforcement was notified of the discovery, and they came to believe there were more materials that had not been returned, and then the DOJ issued a subpoena seeking additional classified documents.
A few weeks later, the DOJ decided to raid Mar-a-Lago after Trump’s legal team had signed a written statement claiming that all the classified material had been returned. The FBI executed a search warrant on the property and recovered more classified material.
Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, Mike Pence, and Donald Trump are among the public officials who we know have had classified material in a place they weren’t supposed to. The only one of those four people who had the power to summarily declassify such material was President Trump.
The president can summarily declassify anything. He’s the head of the executive branch. None of the others were able to declassify anything. So that’s number one. Number two: Why exactly was Trump holding these classified materials in the first place?
As it turns out, according to pretty much everybody who has testified in this case, apparently Donald Trump just decided to hold onto the documents simply because he wanted to hold onto the documents. There was no nefarious reason. The likely thing that happened is, he left the White House and thought, Hey, look, it’s a letter. Kim Jong Un signed it. I’m going to bring it.
And he brought it. And that was the end of the story. The National Archives said, “Can we have the letter?” Trump said, “No.”
That’s pretty much the extent of it. Is that a national security threat to the extent that the former president of the United States and the current Republican front runner for the nomination should be indicted on criminal charges?
No. The answer is, no. And the reason the answer is no is because we have the disparate treatment of those other public officials, including most egregiously, Hillary Clinton.
Let’s look at what Hillary Clinton actually did, because it’s relevant in this context. The FBI and DOJ decided not to prosecute Hillary Clinton for her activities surrounding taking home classified documents and loading them onto an unclassified server, a secret private server kept in a bathroom.
She wound up using BleachBit to clean the documents when it became clear she was suspected of holding those documents, and then those classified documents ended up on the very-not-classified computer of a pervert named Anthony Weiner, Huma Abedin’s husband. Huma was Hillary’s close aide.
Hillary still did not get prosecuted. It’s hard to think of a looser use of classified material. It’s difficult to think of Donald Trump doing anything that is remotely as sloppy as that.
Trump’s prosecutors are going out of their way to say Donald Trump was willfully and maliciously hiding this material. The reason they are doing this is because if they say he accidentally mishandled classified information, then we are all going to ask the obvious questions: Why isn’t Joe Biden being prosecuted? Why wasn’t Mike Pence prosecuted? Why isn’t Hillary Clinton prosecuted?
This is differential prosecution. Everyone can see this is differential prosecution. Hillary Clinton stored thousands of documents on a private server in her home while she was secretary of state. Many of those documents were classified. Those documents were then bleached.
Announcing why he was not going to prosecute Hillary Clinton, James Comey stated, “Although there is evidence of potential violations of the statutes regarding the handling of classified information, our judgment is that no reasonable prosecutor would bring such a case.”
Prosecutors necessarily weigh a number of factors before deciding whether to bring charges. There are obvious considerations, like the strength of the evidence, especially regarding intent. Comey admitted there was a high likelihood that foreign eyes ended up on classified material because of Hillary Clinton. Is there a high likelihood that materials ended up being seen by the Chinese or Russians because Donald Trump hid this stuff in a closet at Mar-a-Lago? Is that a high likelihood?
Hillary deliberately wiped her server. Now, if you’re talking about covering up obstruction of justice, preventing the knowledge by law enforcement that you are covering up classified material, Hillary Clinton did all that.
There is still an investigation into Joe Biden keeping classified documents around the nation like Hunter Biden leaves illegitimate children. According to NBC News, “The federal investigation into President Joe Biden’s handling of classified documents shows few signs of an imminent conclusion, even as the probes into former Vice-President Mike Pence and former President Donald Trump have reached or appear to be reaching the end.”
So is Donald Trump being prosecuted on the basis of doing something extraordinarily different from Hillary Clinton? The answer, of course, is no.
This is a malign use of law enforcement. There is no way in hell that they would be doing this if Donald Trump were a Democrat. There’s no way in hell and we all know it. And that’s perverse. It undermines the credibility of law enforcement, the DOJ, and the FBI. These institutions are at low ebb in terms of credibility among Americans.
This was a good day for the Beatles in 1970 … even though they were breaking up.
Their “Let It Be” album was at number one, as was this single off the album:
Don’t criticize the number one album today in 1980, lest you be condemned for living in “Glass Houses”: