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No comments on Presty the DJ for June 20
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The Harvard/Harris poll, here, is not exactly known for beating the drum for conservative causes. So when it produces numbers like the ones it published yesterday, you can’t help but feel a bit better about the Republican Party’s chances next year. Let’s take a look.
— Country’s on the right track = 30%; wrong track = 62%.
— Roughly twice as many voters say their financial situation is getting worse than say it’s getting better, 49% to 26%.
— Biden is way underwater, with 53% disapproving his performance and 43% approving it. It’s been this way since last autumn.
— Biden is also in the tank on a big variety of specific issues. Oddly, he does best on handling COVID, with 49% approval. On no other issue does his approval reach even 45%. On dealing with crime and violence, it’s 37%; handling inflation comes in at 36%; and immigration (not surprisingly) brings up the rear at 35%.
— Neither political party is real popular. Republican approval is at 46% and the Democrats are at 45%. In my view, it’s remarkable that the parties are anywhere close, given the loud Democratic lean of almost all the MSM.
— None of the public figures the poll asked about is viewed favorably by a majority. Trump, Robert F. Kennedy and Elon Musk come closest with 45%. Right behind them are DeSantis (43%), Bernie Sanders (42%), and President Biden (41%). Hillary Clinton leads in public disapproval with 54%, followed by Biden (52%) and Trump (48%). Clinton also leads in strong disapproval with 40%, followed closely by Trump with 36%. The least disapproved figure among the arguably major candidates is Tim Scott, with only 25% disapproval.
— Public respect for major institutions has been falling for years if not decades, but two remain widely respected: the US military, viewed favorably by 79%, and the police, with 66%. Contrary to much of what we’ve been hearing from the press, the Supreme Court retains a decent favorability rating with 49%, well above the other two branches. Bringing up the rear are Black Lives Matter, CNN and MSNBC. But dead last are MAGA Republicans, the only group whose negative rating significantly exceeds its positive one.
— Trump overwhelms his Republican opposition for the nomination. This is hardly news, but the Harvard/Harris poll gives Trump even a bigger edge than I’ve seen before, 3 to 1 over Tim Scott and 2 to 1 over DeSantis. Biden is massively ahead of his Democratic rivals,
and totally swamps the field with those in assisted living(sorry, some things I write by instinct).— Biden’s major deficit (apart from ruinous policy), continues to be the public’s view that he’s just not up to it. By 3 to 2, respondents say he lacks the mental acuity for the office, and by 2 to 1, they say he’s too old. The press can hide a lot, and it does, but its ability to hide these facts has about run out.
— Trump wins a hypothetical matchup with Biden 45% to 39%, and with VP Harris, 47% to 40%. This is almost identical to the results the Washington Post/ABC poll found last month. DeSantis does not do nearly as well in such a matchup, barely edging out each. If this continues for very long, it’s going to do massive damage to DeSantis’ argument that he can beat Biden but Trump can’t.
— Of course Trump, like Biden, is no spring chicken. While 62% say Biden should not run for a second term, a reasonably close 55% say that Trump shouldn’t either. Big majorities of both parties (71% of Democrats and 61% of Republicans) say the county needs another choice beyond Biden v. Trump. (This tells me two things — that a third party could make some noise next year; and that despite their very large current leads, neither Biden nor Trump is a sure thing to get nominated. And the chance that public appreciation of either man will improve over time is, as we’ve seen, approximately zero).
— On the issues, Republicans retain their usual advantage when the discussion turns to taxes. Over 80% favor cutting taxes in their state while not even 20% oppose — although respondents were about evenly split on the idea of raising taxes on corporations and upper income individuals. On strengthening parents’ rights over their kids’ education and encouraging more charter schools, those in favor massively outnumber those opposed, by better than 3 to 1 (this was the issue that won Glenn Youngkin the Governor’s chair in blueish Virginia a year and a-half ago).
Abortion remains a potential trouble spot for Republicans. Evidence from last year persuades me that it’s a motivating issue for suburban voters who are vital to Republican success, but a majority of respondents (53% to 47%) were opposed to a law, like the one DeSantis recently sponsored in Florida, that would ban most abortions after six weeks of pregnancy. A ban that firm and that early is simply not where the country is, and in my view, DeSantis is going to have to move toward the center on this question. Emphasizing his opposition to late term abortions (which opposition the poll finds wins a strong majority); or to abortions for sex selection or to harvest body parts, is one place he could start. With abortion as with everything else, you do not let the opposition frame the debate.
On the other hand, immigration is a DeSantis strong suit. More than two-thirds say that we should discourage illegal immigrants from settling in the United States. DeSantis’ bus rides and plane rides to states previously bellowing about their “compassionate” sanctuary status has been a masterstroke.
The poll also asked about the Trump indictment. I’ll save coverage of that for a later discussion, and will say for now only that decent majorities (55% and 56%, respectively) say that the prosecution is politically motivated and amounts to interference in the 2024 election, yet a slightly larger majority (58%) says that the Justice Department’s case is either somewhat or very strong — necessarily meaning that it thinks that Trump is probably guilty of some or perhaps many felony-level offenses. How that perception changes as the case unfolds is one of the head-scratching imponderables of the next several months.
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The notion that, through persistence, personal agency, and dedication, the remaining vestiges of institutional racial discrimination in America are obstacles that its minority citizens can overcome is one to which the nation’s first black president objects.
“There’s a long history of African-American or other minority candidates within the Republican Party who will validate America and say, ‘Everything’s great, and we can make it,’” said Barack Obama, in an interview with his 2008 campaign manager and CNN personality David Axelrod. The former president of the United States singled out Senator Tim Scott and, to a lesser degree, Nikki Haley for failing to qualify their sanguine assessment of the opportunity America provides its ethnic minorities with “an honest accounting of our past and our present.”
It’s worth dwelling on Obama’s objection to sentiments that, perish the thought, “validate America.” In his apparent estimation, such sentiments represent an ugly untruth. This slip is revealing of a disposition to which Obama was inclined during his years in the spotlight — one his critics often highlighted and his defenders insisted was a figment of their overactive and racially suspect imaginations. To wit: Obama’s casual disdain for the nation that twice elected him to its highest office.
In Barack Obama’s telling, America’s story is a morality play in which he assumes a central role. The 44th president’s ascension represented the crest of the country’s redemptive arc — a deliverance the nation then rejected as it descended back into irredeemable iniquity with his departure from the national stage. His patriotism seems only ever to have been conditional, and those conditions were rather personal.
When a majority of its citizens ratify his will, the country of his birth is “generous,” “compassionate,” “tolerant,” and “great.” When it suits his interests, America’s history of racial animus is surmountable, and “anger” over that history “distracts attention from solving real problems.” When he’s feeling less politically constrained, Americans are selfish and bitter. Their country is arrogant and dismissive. Its minorities should consider distinct demographics within the national tapestry as “enemies.”
The former president has a habit of accusing his opponents of being “unpatriotic” and “un-American,” but his highly contingent patriotism is suggestive of deep discomfort with the nation as it exists. It is telling that these two Republican presidential aspirants, in particular, have induced the reemergence of one of his most unlovely traits. It’s even more revealing that Obama feels compelled to distort their records and views to make the point that only those who share his skepticism can objectively assess the nation’s racial past and present.
“If that candidate is not willing to acknowledge that, again and again, we’ve seen discrimination in everything,” Obama continued, from “getting a job to buying a house to how the criminal justice system operates,” that somehow represents a rejection of the idea that “we need to do something about” the consequences of “hundreds of years of racism in this society.”
Tim Scott objected to Obama’s cheap strawman — one that perhaps reflected the former president’s admitted ignorance of Scott’s actual views. After all, the former president hadn’t “spent a lot of time studying Tim Scott’s speeches.”
“The truth of my life disproves the lies of the radical left,” Scott replied. That is consistent with the message Scott articulates in the speeches Obama couldn’t be bothered to peruse before critiquing them. The senator has not shied away from acknowledging the racism he and his family experienced in the deep South, noting that his family “went from cotton to Congress” in the space of his grandfather’s lifetime. Haley, too, rejected Obama’s effort to single out minorities as “victims instead of empowering them.”
The former U.N. ambassador and South Carolina governor has also described her ascent from the “isolation” she experienced as a dark-skinned girl in the birthplace of the Confederacy to the state’s highest office. Neither candidate has said, “Everything’s great.” They have said their experience attests that American minorities can navigate the nation’s casteless ranks without having their hands held by benevolent liberal sherpas. That reality — not some contemptuous caricature of their view that racial impediments do not exist — threatens Obama and the New York Times alike.
“I’m not being cynical about Tim Scott individually, but I am maybe suggesting the rhetoric of ‘Can’t we all get along,’” Obama concluded, while modifying some of his own hopeful rhetoric about the country. “That has to be undergirded with an honest accounting of our past and our present.” But Obama is not seeking honesty. If he were, he wouldn’t be attacking the experience of these — and, by reasonable extension, all — Republicans of minority extraction as unwitting victims of the false consciousness to which Obama seems to believe those who don’t subscribe to a persecution complex are prone.
Barack Obama once described the “promise of America” in collectivist terms. It was to him “the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.” The conservative rejoinder to this infantilizing conception of the American compact promotes individual excellence: the unfettered talents of the mind and soul, the full expression of which invariably benefits all. Neither Obama nor the targets of his criticism reject that idea per se, but Obama emphasizes the obstacles and languishes in fatalism, while the objects of his criticism emphasize resiliency and celebrate optimism. That’s a profound distinction and an illuminating one.
Someone should remind the nation’s first mixed-race president on Juneteenth Day that (1) slavery is an institution as old as civilization itself, carried out by non-white ancestors of Obama’s, but (2) civilized countries got rid of slavery, (3) including this country, at the cost of 360,000 Union Army soldiers, 12,000 of whom were from Wisconsin.
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Today in 1967 was the Monterey International Pop Festival:
Happy birthday first to Paul McCartney:
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The number five song today in 1967 …
… was 27 spots higher than this song reached in 1978:
Birthdays start with Jerry Fielding, who composed the theme music to …
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Sen. Josh Hawley has a new book out called Manhood: The Masculine Virtues America Needs. It’s a combination of a manhood book and a politics book. He frames it as a battle between a biblical view of manhood and an “Epicurean” one that he associates with leftism. In the balance of this battle is the future of the American Experiment. Thus Hawley presents a smaller battle – right vs. left – as an echo of a larger one – the Bible vs. Epicurus. By beating back leftism today, one is not just winning a contemporary political struggle, but striking a blow in a cosmic struggle.
Manhood is divided into two parts. The first is an overview of manhood drawn from an mythic interpretation of Genesis. I use the term mythic here in a positive sense as referring to primal truths, not in a negative one that the story isn’t true. The second is a series of chapters on archetypal roles men are supposed to play: Husband, Father, Warrior, Builder, Priest, and King. These echo the well known book King, Warrior, Magician, Lover: Rediscovering the Archetypes of the Mature Masculine. His use of a mythic and archetypal framing – for example, his description of creation as about chaos and order – is clearly influenced by Jordan Peterson.
I have not listened to Jordan Peterson’s lectures on Genesis, but clearly the way he talks about the world resonates strongly with young men today. So it makes sense for Hawley draw on that kind of rhetorical pattern in framing his arguments. I actually found his takes on Genesis interesting. Some of it was standard stuff, other parts of it were described in ways I have not observed in church. For example, he says:
Look closely. In the Genesis story, Eden is the only place of order and flourishing the Bible describes. It is the only park, the only garden, the only outpost of peace. When we learn anything of the land beyond Eden’s borders, it appears untamed, wild. Dark forces lurk there. A sly and wicked serpent will enter the story a chapter later in Genesis, and from where? Beyond the garden’s edge. That place, the place beyond, looms as a site of potential development, yes—God has made it and brought it forth from the deep—but also of darkness and disorder. It is, as yet, unfinished. Adam’s job is to help finish it, to bring it into order. His job is to expand the garden temple…The earth beyond the garden may be unkept, there may be malevolence there in some form, but Genesis insists God created even this world and called it good. It is not desolate; it is merely unfinished. It will respond to man’s work. And Adam is to work it. His effort will bring forth the hidden purposes of the world.
My interest here is not a theological appraisal, but rather how Hawley frames creation and man’s role in it, as a sort of avatar of God assigned to “bring forth the hidden purposes of the world.” This strikes me as relating to a sort of heroic quest for secret knowledge. It involves, like the hero’s journey, a process of personal transformation. He writes, “The Bible offers a purpose that summons each man, a purpose that will transform him. A man cannot stay as he is, not if he is to take on the mission of manhood.”
My take is that the goal with this is to create a vision of manhood linked to some noble, transcendent purpose. I have noted before that Christian teachers and other often present manhood about little more than self-sacrifice. There’s plenty of that in Hawley’s book to be sure, but he’s trying to present the masculine quest as something ennobling as well.
He also differs from many in treating men as ends and not just means. Like Peterson, he says that they matter.
Genesis encourages every man who struggles to see the point of his life, who feels that his work is a waste, or who wonders whether he will amount to anything to think again. Your work matters. Your life matters. Your character matters. You can help the world become what it was meant to be. And that is no small thing.
There is an element here of seeing men as a existing for something else (versus having value in the own right), but unlike, say, Mark Driscoll’s presentation of manhood as a life of joyless toil, this is presented as something more aspirational – putting the world in order – and more in the line of “we really need you on the team.” I see this as a significant improvement over the standard conservative line towards men.
Also very notable is his description of the King archetype, where he explicitly affirms the goodness of men exercising authority:
It is good for a man to exercise authority—good for him and for those around him, provided he does it well. It is good that a man show ambition, that he aim to do something useful with his life….To young men, we should send a clear message: Dominion is good, and you should exercise it. Aim to do something with your life. Aim to exercise some leadership. Aim to accept responsibility for yourself—and others. Aim to have the character of a king.
This is also refreshingly contrary to the standard conservative line.
And, interestingly, he rejects Richard Reeves proposal to encourage men to go into the caring professions and live in more stereotypical female ways. He says, “To the experts safely ensconced in their think tanks, I would just say this: Is it really too much to ask that our economy work for men as they are, rather than as the left wants them to be?” While it’s unlikely mass highly paid blue collar employment will reemerge in the way Hawley hopes, rejecting the idea reprogramming of men to be more like women is a positive.
While Hawley’s book is an advance over the standard conservative a Christian fare in some areas, it still has some significant issues.
The first and biggest is that it is written with essentially gender egalitarian, that is to say feminist, assumptions. This isn’t explicitly stated, but is made clear in a number of ways. The first is his use of the two separate archetypes of Husband and Father, rather than the integrated Patriarch archetype. We also see it in his treatment of covenant. He says that, “A covenant in the ancient world was an agreement between a partner of high status and a servant.” He rejects this for the marriage covenant though, saying, “For a marriage, too, is a covenant—a promise made and a vow taken, only in this case, between equals.” This is one of many areas of the book that cried out for an explanation with none forthcoming. (My point here is not to make my own argument about the nature of covenant or marriage, but to point out the weird and unexplained exception for marriage Hawley carves out in his treatment of covenant).
But most notably, we see the egalitarian stance in the treatment of the Husband and King archetypes. The Husband is supposed to make vow, endure, protect and provide. But nowhere does he discuss any concept of the Husband having headship or exercising leadership, not even of the evangelical “servant leadership” variety. (Hawley is an evangelical presbyterian). And while he praises the use of authority by the King archetype, he never situates this in a familial context.
Hawley affirms gender complementarity and a gender binary, but this is similar to evangelical egalitarianism, which talks about “complementarity without hierarchy.” He does speak about “traditional gender roles” but his application of them is thin, limited to things like different occupational types (as above), but pointedly not to men as head of the home. It’s possible he personally adheres to a complementarian gender theology – I don’t know – but if so he does not put it into this book. Tellingly, a critical review in the Washington Post notes the egalitarian flourishes in the book.
This egalitarian stance is important because it fundamentally undermines the entire argument of his book. Hawley is trying to go back to Genesis to define manhood as something ancient, eternal, and designed by God into the fabric of the world. At the same time, he wants to adopt gender egalitarianism for husband-wife relationships, something that’s only around 50-70 years old and a view that, dare I saw it, is of the Epicurean variety.
Thus Hawley is similar to other conservatives in adopting the “two sets of books” approach. Men are supposed to live up to the old set of books in terms of what is expected to them. But women are allowed to live by a new set of books that frees them from their old obligations – and men are supposed to be ok with this. This is nothing but a recipe for being a chump. It’s like the Jim Geraghty video for PragerU in which he urges men to act more like Ward Cleaver, the dad from the 1950s TV sitcom “Leave It to Beaver.” But Geraghty would never dream of telling women to act like June Cleaver, the wife and mother from that TV show.
This is one of the basic challenges with society today. It demands that men continue to fulfill the traditional obligations of manhood such as self-sacrifice, provisioning for others, etc. while giving up all the power, privileges, honors, and prestige they previously enjoyed – and freeing women completely from their previous traditional obligations.
That is essentially what a book about masculine virtues written from a de facto gender egalitarian position amounts to.
You can say that men, women, and society should live by the old rules. You can say the men, women, and society should live by new rules. But it’s ridiculous to demand that men live by the old rules (when it comes to obligations at least), while women and the rest of society live by new ones.
Some of the negatives trends in American men that Hawley identifies are a result of bad actions and bad character on the part of men. But some of them are a result of men rationally refusing to play to this mug’s game. As Helen Smith one put it, some men are going on strike.
Hawley recognizes this effect in some domains like economics, hence his call to rebuild a viable blue collar economy. But he doesn’t recognize it in areas like marriage, where we’ve institutionalized the “Epicurean” position with things like no-fault divorce, with women being the ones filing for it 70% of the time. That doesn’t factor into his analysis of marriage rates or fatherlessness at all. It’s deeply unfair to the men who wanted to be present at home with their children, but aren’t because their wives divorced them without just cause and got custody of the kids.
The book also oddly argues against the pursuit of status. Hawley writes:
There is not a man alive, not a human being drawing breath on this vast earth, who does not crave status. It is what the Bible calls the pride of life. Practically the whole of modern living is geared around it. Universities promise higher status; advertising sells consumer goods as status symbols; even entertainment has become a form of status. And you can spend your life seeking after it, thirsting and lusting for it—or you can live for something other than you. But you cannot do both. Either you live for status—which is living for you—or you sacrifice that life, that entire way of life, for something better.
Elsewhere he writes, “Sacrifice your pride. Give up the quest for status.” I say this is odd because the book is positive towards the exercise of power. He says the exercise of authority is good, ambition is good, dominion is good. Power and status aren’t the same things, but they overlap a lot. And in our society it’s frequently necessary to play status games to acquire authority. Status is also intimately linked to our ability to succeed at the basics of manhood that Hawley encourages, such as getting married. As Jordan Peterson points out, “Girls are attracted to boys that win status competitions with other boys.” A man devoid of status is unlikely to marry in our society. He will probably end up as an “incel” (involuntary celibate).
Hawley himself has obvious pursued status – and very successfully. He went to Stanford and then Yale Law School, arguably the country’s most prestigious. He won a highly competitive Supreme Court clerkship. Now he is a US Senator. And good for him that he did this. There’s nothing wrong with that. Had he not sought out status markers like a Supreme Court clerkship, he would never have found himself in the position to exercise authority that he has today. He also wouldn’t have met, much less married his wife, who is a high powered attorney in her own right.
Unfortunately, there are a lot of oddities and seeming contradictions of this variety in the book.
Finally, I will note that the book is written in a style multiple grade levels below Jordan Peterson’s 12 Rules for Life. I’m not sure why that is, as he’s obviously capable of very good writing and Peterson proves men will devour higher level material. (I would personally have liked to have read a book that was not political, and gave free range to Hawley’s intellect).
Also, unlike with Jordan Peterson, there’s little practical, actionable advice. Manhood has the grand vision of masculinity, but not the guide for how to get there. I didn’t come away from the book with anything I could change practically to become a better man.
The genius of Jordan Peterson was packaging folk wisdom in elevated rhetoric. He gave the grand vision of the cosmos and manhood, but he also gave men news they can use (e.g., to attract women, you need status), and very practical steps like “Stand up straight with your shoulders back” and “Clean your room, bucko.” What makes these so effective is that they work metaphorically, but also practically. If you don’t know how to put your life in order, you really can start by just physically cleaning your room. Even taken naïvely, they still work.
Because Hawley’s book lacks this, it can ultimately come across as just another call to “Man up!” The book’s flaws probably also explain why he has not developed an organic following as a men’s guru. (His speech at TPUSA, for example, was to an audience someone else convened).
But I think the positive takeaway from Manhood is the way that it tries to advance the masculinity discussion in a better direction from a conservative perspective. It tries to learn from Jordan Peterson in terms of trying to frame manhood in a transcendent way as something aspirational. It treats men as having real value in themelves. And it treats men exercising authority in an appropriate way as good and proper. All of these needs to be carried forward into future conservative works on the topic of manhood.
Two comments on the piece:
I would add that many of the good outcomes in life come as a side effect of “doing the right thing.” When people focus on achieving the side effect directly, they often fail.
In this case, pursue excellence for its inherent value, and as a side effect you will get respect, status, women will be attracted to you, etc. Pursue those side effects directly and you will be likely to go astray.
“The pursuit of happiness” is similarly misguided. Do the right thing, find your place in God’s order, live a life that you can be convicted is pleasing to God, and happiness follows. Most of the self-help books that consist of anything else (navel gazing, dealing with your problems and your imperfect childhood and your baggage from the past, etc.) are worse than worthless. Go find a positive way to live; don’t “pursue happiness.”
Ditto for all the young men and women ruing their loneliness. Pursue excellence as a human being, become more interesting and attractive to the opposite sex as a side effect. The Manosphere/Game direct approaches are a sham by comparison.
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Dueling ex-Beatles today: In 1978, one year after the play “Beatlemania” opened on Broadway …
… Ringo Starr released his “Bad Boy” album …
… while Paul McCartney and Wings released “I’ve Had Enough”:
The number six song one year later (with no known connection to Mr. Spock):
Stop! for the number eight single today in 1990 …
… which bears an interesting resemblance to an earlier song:
Put the two together, and you get …
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Today in 1956, 15-year-old John Lennon met 13-year-old Paul McCartney when Lennon’s band, the Quarrymen, played at a church dinner.
Birthdays today start with David Rose, the composer of a song many high school bands have played (really):
Nigel Pickering, guitarist of Spanky and Our Gang:
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Today in 1965, the Beatles released “Beatles VI,” their seventh U.S. album:
Twenty-five years later, Frank Sinatra reached number 32, but probably number one in New York:
Nine years and a different coast later, Carole King got her star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame: