The number one single today in 1966:
The number one single today in 1983:
Today in 2006, the Rolling Stones played during the halftime of the Super Bowl:
The number one single today in 1966:
The number one single today in 1983:
Today in 2006, the Rolling Stones played during the halftime of the Super Bowl:
The MacIver Institute focuses on two items the Legislature should pass whether or not Gov. Scott Walker supports them.
The first is anti-compulsory-union-membership legislation, about which James Wigderson writes:
One of the more prominent complaints at the time Act 10 was passed was about the exclusion of local police and firefighter unions from its effects. Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett made it a regular criticism of Governor Scott Walker during the recall campaign, and his criticisms were echoed elsewhere.
Of course, also missing from Act 10 were the private sector unions. Act 10 only concerned itself with curtailing the collective bargaining powers of the public sector unions, including the rules for recertification, the forced collection of union dues, and whether collective bargaining includes issues outside of direct salary compensation.
Right-to-work legislation would even the score a bit between public sector employees and private sector employees. In the public sector, employees no longer face the automatic deductions from their paychecks to support a union, whether or not they wanted to join. Private sector employees currently do not have that option if it is a union worksite. Right-to-work would actually give employees the choice of whether or not to join the union.
Choice is a key word when discussing right-to-work. In an interview on the television program UpFront, Democratic State Rep Andy Jorgensen used the word choice when trying to argue against right-to-work legislation. According to the transcript, “It does not get to the question of whether or not an individual should have that right, that choice. It takes away the freedom to belong to a strong union. You have the freedom of whether or not you want to work at a union shop. You should have the choice to belong to a collective-bargaining unit so you could fight for things like wages, safety, and workplace conditions.”
It’s an interesting definition of the word “choice” from Jorgensen. You can either choose not to work, or you can choose to be part of a union.
But public sector workers now have a third choice and many are taking advantage. WEAC, the state’s largest teachers union, has lost a third of its membership, according to Forbes. The American Federation of Teachers has lost half of its membership. The Washington Examiner reports American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Leadership Council 40 has lost 18,000 members in the past four years while Leadership Council 48 has lost 5,600 members.As Sean Higgins in the Examiner wrote, “The membership declines suggest that thousands of workers have simply walked away from their unions, either because they did not want to be members in the first place or because the reforms sharply limited what the unions could do for them even if they stayed.”
The freedom to choose whether to be in a union is a benefit available to public sector workers. It makes sense to extend that same freedom to the private sector.
The other issue has gotten less notice, but is at least as important. Haley Sinklair writes:
Legislation soon to be introduced by Rep. Rob Hutton (R-Brookfield) would eliminate Wisconsin’s prevailing wage law to allow for greater competition in the bidding process for public works projects financed by taxpayers. Rep. Hutton believes that competition among firms looking to win government construction contracts will help to hold down costs and better reflect market conditions, saving taxpayers money.
Currently, Wisconsin’s prevailing wage law mandates that workers employed on public works projects receive compensation according to a small sampling of wages paid to workers on similar projects in the area.
This arbitrary establishment of wage rates requires contractors to pay workers more than what the market requires, according to Hutton.
“The elimination of prevailing wage will provide local governments with a critical tool to reduce costs associated with capital budgets,” commented Rep. Hutton. “Any discussion about additional investments in Wisconsin’s infrastructure must include prevailing wage reform.”
Currently, 18 states have no prevailing wage law.
Wisconsin has three different prevailing wage laws covering different types of public works projects. The first two laws, enacted in 1931, cover projects bid by a state agency and state highway and bridge projects. The third law, enacted in 1933, covers projects bid or negotiated by a local governmental unit. These laws were enacted in an effort to protect the wages of certain workers during the Great Depression.
To determine prevailing wage rates, the Department of Workforce Development (DWD) is required to conduct an annual survey that includes hourly base wage and hourly fringe benefit rate, among other information.
In 2014, DWD only received 1,774 survey responses of the 18,673 that were sent out. This figure represents less than 10% of the industry. Information from the 2014 surveys will be used to determine the prevailing wage rate for 2016.
In determining the prevailing wage, DWD uses two methods.
The first uses the highest 50% of wages by hour and then averages them to determine a rate by county. If there is not enough county data to meet a minimum of 500 hours worked, data is included from neighboring counties. If data from neighboring counties still fails to reach a minimum of 500 hours worked, the prevailing wage for that county is then based off of statewide data.
Using this method could mean that a project in a northern Wisconsin county could be based off of wage data from Dane County if not enough local data is available.
The second method uses the same tier system, but if one wage makes up 50% of the total hours worked in a profession, that wage automatically becomes the prevailing wage rate.
A 2013 study on Michigan’s prevailing wage law found that similar legislation could have saved the state $225 million annually on school district and higher education projects alone.
The number one single on both sides of the Atlantic today in 1965:
The number one British album today in 1967 was “The Monkees”:
The number one single on both sides of the Atlantic today in 1978:
Talk-radio host Jerry Bader:
It’s accepted that Rush Limbaugh’s show was instrumental in the Republican Revolution of 1994. But national talk hosts dissatisfied with John McCain as the Republican nominee in 2008 (who could forget Limbaugh’s parody song “Who’ll stop McCain” to the tune of “Who’ll stop the Rain”) and Mitt Romney in 2012 were unable to keep them from landing in the general election.
But what McCain and Romney show is that national hosts have little success in breaking candidates and very little recent history in trying to make them. That looks to change in 2016 and Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker could be the beneficiary. Limbaugh and fellow talker Sean Hannity have made no secret that they find a Walker candidacy very attractive. Hannity has had Walker as a guest quite often and Limbaugh has talked him up frequently, but never like on Monday, when he gushed praise for Walker’s Saturday Iowa performance. Here’s a sampling:
Scott Walker has shown the Republican Party how to beat the left. Scott Walker has the blueprint for winning and winning consistently and winning big in a blue state with conservative principles that are offered with absolutely no excuses. The left, the Democrat Party, threw everything at Scott Walker trying to destroy him. They did everything they could. He not only withstood it all, he survived and triumphed over all of it. They broke rules. They got close to breaking laws. They were threatening his family personally, and he remained undeterred.
Limbaugh also addressed the “dull” label that has been pinned on Walker:
Now, we’re constantly told — the Drive-By Media, and even some of the Republican establishment, try to portray Scott Walker as a totally colorless guy, when he’s not. But that’s the image that’s been set forth. Make no mistake. It’s so frustrating in a sense, folks.
That might be Limbaugh’s most important point out of a long segment on Walker that included sound bytes from Walker’s speech. Those who bought into the notion that Walker was Tim Pawlenty 2.0 were taken aback by his performance. I saw Walker speak in Green Bay the night before last November’s election. He was even more electric there than he was on stage [Jan. 24]. The dull/bland/boring tag was never accurate.
But back on point; do national talk show hosts backing mean anything to a presidential candidate in 2016? Yes, but how much? It’s difficult to measure but what’s important is both Limbaugh and Hannity are excited about Scott Walker. Limbaugh has a longstanding rule about staying out of primaries. You can make the case he’s come very close to abandoning that rule already with Walker. The Democratic strategies in recent years has been to use a conservative talk radio endorsement as a kiss of death for Republican candidates; “if those radio wing nuts like him, he must be extreme.” Walker clearly doesn’t fear that and has embraced the reception he’s getting from talk radio’s two most-listened-to hosts.
2012 and the endless Republican primary debates brought us candidates du jour whose shelf life didn’t last beyond the next debate. Neither Limbaugh nor Hannity had sustained passion for any of those candidates.
Walker seemingly jumped to upper tier candidate status with a surprise showing (surprise to those outside Wisconsin) in Iowa [Jan. 24]. Sustained support from Limbaugh and Hannity would be invaluable in the marathon dark horse strategy observers say Walker has deployed.
Today in 1959, one night after their concert at the Surf Ballroom in Clear Lake, Iowa, Buddy Holly, Richie Valens and J.P. “The Big Bopper” Richardson got on a Beechcraft Bonanza in Mason City, Iowa, to fly to Fargo, N.D., for a concert in Moorhead, Minn.
The trio, along with Dion and the Belmonts, were part of the Winter Dance Party Tour, a 24-city tour over three weeks, with its ridiculously scheduled tour dates connected by bus.
Said bus, whose heater broke early in the tour, froze in below-zero temperatures two nights earlier between the scheduled concert in the Duluth, Minn., National Guard Armory, and the next scheduled location, the Riverside Ballroom in Green Bay.
Holly’s drummer had to be hospitalized with frostbite in his feet, and Valens also became ill. The tour got to Green Bay, but its scheduled concert in Appleton that evening was canceled.
After the concert in Clear Lake, Holly decided to rent an airplane. Holly’s bass player, Waylon Jennings, gave his seat to the Big Bopper because he was sick, and Valens won a coin flip with Holly’s guitarist, Tommy Allsup. Dion DiMucci chose not to take a seat because the $36 cost equaled his parents’ monthly rent.
As he was leaving, Holly told Jennings, “I hope your ol’ bus freezes up,” to which Jennings replied, “Well, I hope your ol’ plane crashes!”
Shortly after the 12:55 a.m. takeoff, the plane crashed, instantly killing Holly, Valens, the Big Bopper and the pilot.
The scheduled concert that evening went on, with organizers recruiting a 15-year-old, Robert Velline, and his band the Shadows. Bobby Vee went on to have a good career.
The Wisconsin Reporter reports:
A federal judge on Friday effectively pulled the life support plug on a politically charged John Doe investigation into dozens of conservative groups, and took the rare step of ordering the Government Accountability Board to post his decision on its website.
U.S. District Court Judge Charles N. Clevert Jr.’s final declaratory judgment and permanent injunction in Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc. v. Barland doesn’t directly deal with the John Doe probe Milwaukee County District Attorney John Chisholm launched in September 2012, with the assistance of the GAB. But in those investigations the GAB and prosecutors operated on an exotic interpretation of state campaign law that critics say violates the First Amendment. Two previous judges – and now Clevert – have declared their interpretation unconstitutional.
Clevert went farther than previous judges, ordering the Government Accountability Board to “immediately and conspicuously post, on the homepage of GAB’s website valid hyperlinks” his final judgment and an appeals court ruling on which it is based.
The order requires GAB to keep the ruling on its website through the next two election cycles, including the next governor’s election. GAB has in the past failed to follow court judgments regarding the posting of information.
“Nothing like making GAB publicize how abusive it is,” said an attorney with knowledge of the case, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
“The final judgment confirms that John Doe never had a legal leg to stand on because speech on the issues is not regulated by Wisconsin law,” another legal expert with knowledge of the case told Wisconsin Reporter. “And as of today, John Chisholm and the Government Accountability Board are permanently enjoined from targeting citizens for speaking out on the issues.”
The source spoke on condition of anonymity due to his closeness to the case.
At every turn, Clevert, a federal judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, asserts Wisconsin campaign finance law and the GAB’s massaging of it are “unconstitutionally vague.”
That’s the same language the U.S. Appeals Court for the 7th Circuit used throughout its88-page ruling in May.
In short, Clevert said the GAB and prosecutors can no longer pursue investigations or prosecutions or civil enforcement of people using the overly broad laws that have long governed Wisconsin’s issue-advocacy groups.
Wisconsin Right to Life won on every major point, based on a comparison of thejointly proposed judgment and the final order:
- Gone is Wisconsin’s illegal corporate speech ban, the prohibition on political spending by corporations. Such bans were declared unconstitutional under the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2010 Citizens United ruling that opened up previous restrictions on campaign finance.
- Gone is Wisconsin’s “unconstitutionally vague” “political purposes” section and its divining “purpose of influencing” elections clause, the portions of campaign finance law legal experts say the GAB twisted into their “legal theory” that drove the John Doe investigation.
Chisholm and John Doe special prosecutor Francis Schmitz, backed by the GAB, argued that the conservative groups may have illegally coordinated with Gov. Scott Walker’s campaign during Wisconsin’s bitter recall season of 2011 and 2012.
Despite the fact that “coordination” does not appear in Wisconsin’s campaign finance law, the prosecutors and the GAB held that “issue advocacy” (political communications supporting or attacking ideas but not candidates) is effectively “express advocacy” (advertisements that directly support or oppose a political candidate) if there is coordination between an interest group and a candidate (like Walker). Under that interpretation, the advocacy groups would have to file as political committees and would be subject to the burdens of campaign finance disclosures.
That reading of the law doesn’t appear to comport with Buckley v. Valeo, the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1976 decision on campaign finance that limits restrictions to express advocacy or its “functional equivalent.”
“The court therefore grants declaratory judgment and permanently enjoins Defendants from administering or civilly enforcing Wisconsin’s statutory political-purposes definition and Wisconsin’s regulatory political-committee definition against any person, or criminally investigating or prosecuting (or referring for investigation or prosecution) any person under this law, in any way inconsistent” with court rulings on express advocacy, Clevert writes.
The GAB had argued that it would employ the “case-by-case, totality-of-the-circumstances analysis” once also endorsed by the Federal Election Commission in reviewing issue-advocacy cases.
Clevert’s ruling ends that approach in Wisconsin.
“That’s a common theme from the GAB: the more vague the definition, the more vague the terms, the more discretion GAB has to investigate,” the attorney with knowledge of the case said. “That’s why they issued those draconian subpoenas, and we are just supposed to trust them.” …
The judge’s ruling should be extremely helpful to conservatives challenging the John Doe investigation in a case now before the state Supreme Court, as well as an appeal by political activist Eric O’Keefe and the Wisconsin Club for Growth now before the U.S. Supreme Court.
“Club for Growth, none of these people engaged in anything remotely close to express advocacy,” the attorney said. “I’m saying four justices on the (state) Supreme Court should be able to figure out in three minutes that there is no there, there.”
Last week, in her State of the Union response, Joni Ernst mentioned going to school with bread bags on her feet to protect her shoes. These sorts of remembrances of poor but honest childhoods used to be a staple among politicians — that’s why you’ve heard so much about Abe Lincoln’s beginnings in a log cabin. But the bread bags triggered a lot of hilarity on Twitter, which in turn triggered this powerful meditation from Peggy Noonan on how rich we have become. So rich that we have forgotten things that are well within living memory:
I liked what Ernst said because it was real. And it reminded me of the old days.
There are a lot of Americans, and most of them seem to be on social media, who do not know some essentials about their country, but this is the way it was in America once, only 40 and 50 years ago:
America had less then. Americans had less.
If you were from a family that was barely or not quite getting by, you really had one pair of shoes. If your family was doing OK you had one pair of shoes for school and also a pair of what were called Sunday shoes — black leather or patent leather shoes. If you were really comfortable you had a pair of shoes for school, Sunday shoes, a pair of play shoes and even boots, which where I spent my childhood (Brooklyn, and Massapequa, Long Island) were called galoshes or rubbers. At a certain point everyone had to have sneakers for gym, but if you didn’t have sneakers you could share a pair with a friend, trading them in the hall before class.
If you had just one pair of shoes, which was the case in my family, you had trouble when it rained or snowed. How to deal with it?
You used the plastic bags that bread came in. Or you used plastic bags that other items came in. Or you used Saran Wrap if you had it, wrapping your shoes and socks in it. Or you let your shoes and socks get all wet, which we also did.
I am a few years younger than Noonan, but I grew up in a very different world — one where a number of my grammar school classmates were living in public housing or on food stamps, but everyone had more than one pair of shoes. In rural areas, like the one where Joni Ernst grew up, this lingered longer. But all along, Americans got richer and things got cheaper — especially when global markets opened up. Payless will sell you a pair of child’s shoes for $15, which is two hours of work even at minimum wage.
Perhaps that sounds like a lot to you — two whole hours! But I’ve been researching historical American living standards for a project I’m working on, and if you’re familiar with what Americans used to spend on things, this sounds like a very good deal.
Consider the “Little House on the Prairie” books, which I’d bet almost every woman in my readership, and many of the men, recalls from their childhoods. I loved those books when I was a kid, which seemed to describe an enchanted world — horses! sleighs! a fire merrily crackling in the fireplace, and children frolicking in the snow all winter, then running barefoot across the prairies! Then I reread them as an adult, as a prelude to my research, and what really strikes you is how incredibly poor these people were. The Ingalls family were in many ways bourgeoisie: educated by the standards of the day, active in community leadership, landowners. And they had nothing.
There’s a scene in one of the books where Laura is excited to get her own tin cup for Christmas, because she previously had to share with her sister. Think about that. No, go into your kitchen and look at your dishes. Then imagine if you had three kids, four plates and three cups, because buying another cup was simply beyond your household budget — because a single cup for your kid to drink out of represented not a few hours of work, but a substantial fraction of your annual earnings, the kind of money you really had to think hard before spending. Then imagine how your five-year-old would feel if they got an orange and a Corelle place setting for Christmas.
There’s a reason old-fashioned kitchens didn’t have cabinets: They didn’t need them. There wasn’t anything to put there.
Imagine if your kids had to spend six months out of the year barefoot because you couldn’t afford for them to wear their shoes year-round. Now, I love being barefoot, and I longed to spend more time that way as a child. But it’s a little different when it’s an option. I walked a mile barefoot on a cold fall day — once. It’s fine for the first few minutes, and then it hurts like hell. Sure, your feet toughen up. But when it’s cold and wet, your feet crack and bleed. As they do if the icy rain soaks through your shoes, and your feet have to stay that way all day because you don’t own anything else to change into. I’m not talking about making sure your kids have a decent pair of shoes to wear to school; I’m talking about not being able to afford to put anything at all on their feet.
Or take the matter of food. There is nothing so romanticized as old-fashioned cookery, lovingly hand-prepared with fresh, 100 percent organic ingredients. If you were a reader of the Little House books, or any number of other series about 19th-century children, then you probably remember the descriptions of luscious meals. When you reread these books, you realize that they were so lovingly described because they were so vanishingly rare. Most of the time, people were eating the same spare food three meals a day: beans, bread or some sort of grain porridge, and a little bit of meat for flavor, heavily preserved in salt. This doesn’t sound romantic and old-fashioned; it sounds tedious and unappetizing. But it was all they could afford, and much of the time, there wasn’t quite enough of that.
These were not the nation’s dispossessed; they were the folks who had capital for seed and farm equipment. There were lots of people in America much poorer than the Ingalls were. Your average middle-class person was, by the standards of today, dead broke and living in abject misery. And don’t tell me that things used to be cheaper back then, because I’m not talking about their cash income or how much money they had stuffed under the mattress. I’m talking about how much they could consume. And the answer is “a lot less of everything”: food, clothes, entertainment. That’s even before we talk about the things that hadn’t yet been invented, such as antibiotics and central heating.
In 1901, the average “urban wage earner” spent about 46 percent of their household budget on food and another 15 percent on apparel — that’s 61 percent of their annual income just to feed and clothe the family. That does not include shelter, or fuel to heat your home and cook your food. By 1987, that same household spent less than 20 percent on food and a little over 5 percent of their budget on apparel. Since then, these numbers have fallen even further: Today, families with incomes of less than $5,000 a year still spend only 16 percent of the family budget on food and 3.5 percent on apparel. And that’s not because we’re eating less and wearing fewer clothes; in fact, it’s the reverse.
The average working-class family of 1901 had a few changes of clothes and a diet heavy on beans and grain, light on meat and fresh produce — which simply wasn’t available for much of the year, even if they’d had the money to afford it. Even growing up in the 1950s, in a comfortably middle-class home, my mother’s wardrobe consisted of a week’s worth of school clothes, a church dress and a couple of play outfits. Her counterparts today can barely fit all their clothes in their closets, even though today’s houses are much bigger than they used to be; putting a family of five in a 900-square-foot house with a single bathroom was an aspirational goal for the generation that settled Levittown, but in an era when new homes average more than 2,500 square feet, it sounds like poverty.
At that, even the people living in the last decades of the 19th century were richer than those who had gone before them. I remember coming across a Mauve Decade newspaper clipping that contained a description of my great-grandmother “going visiting” in some nearby town during the 1890s. On the other side of the clipping was a letter to the editor from a woman in her 90s, complaining that these giddy young things didn’t know how good they had it compared to the old days — why, they even bought their saleratus from a store instead of making it from corncobs like they did back when times were simpler and thrifty housewives knew the value of a dollar.
Joni Ernst, who is just a few years older than me, had a much more affluent childhood than the generation that settled the prairies, and more affluent still than the generations before them. But in many ways, she was much poorer than the people making fun of her on Twitter, simply because so many goods have gotten so much more abundant. Not just processed foods and flat-screen televisions — the favorite target of people who like to pooh-pooh economic progress. But good and necessary things such as shoes for your children and fresh vegetables to feed them, even in winter.
In every generation, we forget how much poorer we used to be, and then we forget that we have forgotten. We focus on the things that seem funny or monstrous or quaint and darling. Somehow the simplest and most important fact — the immense differences between their living standards and ours — slides right past our eye. And when Ernst tried to remind us, people didn’t say “Wow, we’ve really come a long way”; they pointed and laughed.
First: I have been asked to say that it’s a great day for groundhogs. Thus, a decades-long tradition is not only maintained, but expanded online.
(By the way: If a groundhog near you predicts six more weeks of winter, you are authorized to kill the groundhog to prevent that prediction from ever happening again. The fact that winter in Wisconsin lasts more like 12 weeks from now regardless of groundhog predictions is beside the point.)
Today in 1959, Buddy Holly, Richie Valens and the Big Bopper all appeared at the Surf Ballroom in Clear Lake, Iowa.
That would be their final concert appearance because of what happened after the concert.
This is Sunday, when we usually go to church. But while your church is there regardless of the weather, church doesn’t take place if the priest can’t get to church due to the winter weather.
This is also Super Sunday, with Super Bowl XLIX kicking off after 5 p.m. I still haven’t decided if I’m watching, because I care for neither team, and don’t expect a good game.
Both subjects, however, merge in this Christianity Today story:
A majority of Americans—53 percent—believe God rewards faithful athletes with good health and success, up last year’s 48 percent, according to a new study from Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI).
Confidence in God’s favor rose among every religious group but one. Growing numbers of minority Protestants (68%), Catholics (65%), mainline Protestants (44%), and the unaffiliated (27%) believe that God blesses Christian competitors. The only group whose numbers dipped: white evangelical Protestants, with 60 percent agreeing, down slightly from last year.
One of them is Seattle quarterback Russell Wilson, who threw four interceptions before the Seahawks squeaked out a win against the Green Bay Packers to clinch their Super Bowl berth. “That’s God setting it up, to make it so dramatic, so rewarding, so special,” the Christian player told Sports Illustrated’s TheMMQB.com, latertweeting, “Yesterday wasn’t just about the game…. It was So Much Bigger than just a game.”
“I think God cares about football. I think God cares about everything he created,” Wilson said to reporters Tuesday. Fellow Christian QB Aaron Rodgers, of the Packers, disagreed. About 1 in 4 Americans believe that God plays a role in determining which team wins a sporting event, according to PRRI, compared to 19 percent in 2014.
For this Sunday’s Super Bowl XLIX, more viewers will start their day in church before watching Wilson and the ‘Hawks face the New England Patriots.
About a quarter of Americans say that on a typical Sunday they go to church and watch football, up from 21 percent last year. On the other hand, the number of those who are more likely to watch football than go to church is down, from 21 percent last year to 18 percent this year. White evangelical Protestants’ preference to spend Sundays in church (46%) over watching the game (6%) stayed about the same, with about a third saying they’ll do both.
According to LifeWay Research, only about 1 in 7 church-goers would skip services to watch their favorite team. Men are much more likely to schedule Sundays around the game; about 1 in 4 church-going men say they’d skip to watch football, but only 1 in 10 women.
Another study from LifeWay found that more Christians report praying for their team to win a game than for government leaders, celebrities, or others in the public eye.
I find this to be an example of dubious logic as well as dubious theology. Why would God reward Wilson (and by extension Seahawks fans, based in one of the most irreligious cities in the U.S.) and not Aaron Rodgers (and by extension Packer fans), known to be a Christian too?
The suggestion that God rewards Christian athletes sounds suspiciously like the “prosperity Gospel,” of which Christianity Today wrote before Super Bowl XLVIII:
Americans are divided on whether “God rewards athletes who have faith with good health and success,” according to a recent survey ahead of Super Bowl Sunday.
Almost 5 in 10 agree (48%) with this echo of the prosperity gospel, while slightly fewer disagree (47%), reports Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI). However, 62 percent of white evangelicals believe that God rewards faithful athletes in this manner, compared to only half of Catholics, 44 percent of white mainline Protestants, and 22 percent of religiously unaffiliated Americans believe. …
Football fans are more likely than other sports fans to say they pray to God (33 percent versus 21 percent). In addition, they are more likely to believe their team has been cursed (31 percent versus 18 percent), and partake in rituals before or during games (25 percent versus 18 percent).
“As Americans tune in to the Super Bowl this year, fully half of fans—as many as 70 million Americans—believe there may be a twelfth man on the field influencing the outcome,” said Robert P. Jones, CEO of PRRI. “Significant numbers of American sports fans believe in invoking assistance from God on behalf of their favorite team, or believe the divine may be playing out its own purpose in the game.”
Kevin Dougherty, sociology professor at Baylor University, is not surprised by the number of Americans who pray about the outcome of games. In a 2010 Baylor Religion Survey, he found that half of American adults pray daily.
“While our survey didn’t ask about the content of American prayers, we know from other research that people pray about what is important to them,” Dougherty said. “To a segment of Americans, sports are very important. Not surprisingly then, sports become a topic for prayer in the lives of these individuals.”
“Evangelical Protestants believe in a God who is present and engaged in human life,” he said. “Thus, all human efforts in every realm have a sacred dimension to them, including sports. Working hard and doing your best is a sign of honor and obedience to God, in the theology of evangelicals.”
Meanwhile, among Protestant fans, more than 1 in 5 white evangelicals (22 percent), minority Protestants (22 percent), and white mainline Protestants (30 percent) believe their team has been cursed before. Among those who have prayed for their team: 38 percent of white evangelicals, 33 percent of white mainline Protestants, and 29 percent of minority Protestants. Only 15 percent of religiously unaffiliated fans say they have also prayed for their team.
Concerning the outcomes of games, 22 percent of all Americans say God plays a role in determining them. Among those who believe this, more than half (52 percent) say they have “prayed to God to help their team.”
In addition, Baylor professor Greg Garrett shared his views of praying on the Super Bowl:
I’m going to pray—not that my team will win, although that would be a refreshing change. I’m going to pray that no one would be badly hurt for my entertainment. I’m going to pray that the NFL and its fans might press, in the days and years to come, to see the right thing done for all those who have been or will be hurt. I’m going to pray for those players and their families, and for all those who suffer, because that’s what my tradition calls me to do daily.
Consider the conundrum here. If you root for the Seahawks today, you’re rooting for a team followed by a bunch of, to use the old term, heathens. If you root for the Patriots today, you’re rooting for a bunch of cheaters. And if you think God really cares about the result … that is a subset of the Christian tradition that I do not follow.
People prayed for the results of the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections. Assuming that more Republicans prayed than Democrats, most people who prayed for the result didn’t get the result they wanted. So does that mean God favors atheists (who are more often liberals and Democrats — see People’s Republic of Madison — than conservatives) over the religious?
Though I don’t specifically remember it, I’m sure I did pray for the results of a sporting event. As a lifelong Badger and Packer fan during the Gory Days of each, you can imagine that, as with Cubs fans, my prayers were not usually answered the way I wanted them answered. (Except, perhaps, in 1982.) So I stopped. I will believe it is improper until someone explains to my satisfaction why, for instance, God should have favored Bronco fans over Packer fans (who were rooting for a team that included, remember, Rev. Reggie White) during Super Bowl XXXII.
There is also the issue of what a “blessing” is. In addition to being something like winning the Super Bowl, it could be the absence of something — say, bad disease in your family. It would fit our idea of justice that bad people had bad things happen to them, but good people have bad things happen to them too, and bad people have good things that appear to be us to be unwarranted (see Obama, Barack) happen to them too.
This would have been a bad sermon this morning, because sermons should end with an explanation better than that the world is a bad place full of bad people.
Today in 1949, RCA released the first 45-rpm record.
The seven-inch size of the 45, compared with the bigger 78, allowed the development of jukeboxes.
The number one single today in 1964: