Jonah Goldberg begins writing about ISIS, or ISIL, or Those Who Need to Be Killed, by recalling George W. Bush’s calling the 9/11 perpetrators “evildoers”:
âPerhaps without even realizing it,â Peter Roff, then with UPI, wrote in October 2001, âthe president is using language that recalls a simpler time when good and evil seemed more easy to identify â a time when issues, television programs and movies were more black and white, not colored by subtle hues of meaning.â
A few years later, as the memory of 9/11 faded and the animosity toward Bush grew, the criticism became more biting. But the substance was basically the same. Sophisticated people donât talk about âevil,â save perhaps when it comes to Americaâs legacy of racism, homophobia, capitalistic greed, and the other usual targets of American self-loathing.
For most of the Obama years, talk of evil was largely banished from mainstream discourse. An attitude of âgoodbye to all thatâ prevailed, as the War on Terror was rhetorically and legally disassembled and the spare parts put toward building a law-enforcement operation. War was euphemized into âoverseas contingency operationsâ and âkinetic military action.â There was still bloodshed, but the language was often bloodless. Major Nidal Malik Hasan, a protĂŠgĂŠ of al-Qaeda guru Anwar al-Awlaki, shouted âAllahu Akbar!â as he killed his colleagues at Fort Hood. The military called the incident âworkplace violence.â
But sanitizing the language only works so long as people arenât paying too much attention. Thatâs why the Islamic State is so inconvenient to those who hate the word âevil.â Last week, after the group released a video showing American journalist James Foley getting his head cut off, the administrationâs rhetoric changed dramatically. The president called the Islamic State a âcancerâ that had to be eradicated. Secretary of State John Kerry referred to it as the âface of . . . evil.â
Although most people across the ideological spectrum see no problem with calling the Islamic State evil, the change in rhetoric elicited a predictable knee-jerk response. Political scientist Michael Boyle hears an âeerie echoâ of Bushâs âevildoersâ talk. âIndeed,â he wrote in the New York Times, âcondemning the black-clad, masked militants as purely âevilâ is seductive, for it conveys a moral clarity and separates ourselves and our tactics from the enemy and theirs.â
James Dawes, the director of the Program in Human Rights and Humanitarianism at Macalester College, agreed in a piece for CNN.com. Using the word âevil,â he wrote, âstops us from thinking.â
No, it doesnât. But perhaps a reflexive and dogmatic fear of the word âevilâ hinders thinking?
For instance, Boyle suggests that because the Islamic State controls lots of territory and is âadministering social services,â it âoperates less like a revolutionary terrorist movement that wants to overturn the entire political order in the Middle East than a successful insurgent group that wants a seat at that table.â
Behold the clarity of thought that comes with jettisoning moralistic language! Never mind that the Islamic State says it seeks a global caliphate with its flag over the White House. Who cares that it is administering social services? Hitler, Stalin, and Pol Pot did, too. Thatâs what revolutionary groups do when they grab enough territory.
Thereâs a more fundamental question: Is it true? Is the Islamic State evil?
As a matter of objective moral fact, the answer seems obvious. But also under any more subjective version of multiculturalism, pluralism, or moral relativism shy of nihilism, âevilâ seems a pretty accurate description for an organization that is not only intolerant toward gays, Christians, atheists, moderate Muslims, Jews, women, et al. but also stones, beheads, and enslaves them.
I have found it interesting for years that liberals, who are tolerant toward all the groups Goldberg mentioned except Christians and Jews, continue to defend those who seek to kill and enslave “gays, Christians, atheists, moderate Muslims, Jews, women, et al.”
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