… read about police in entertainment.
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Today in 1957, the sixth annual New Music Express poll named Elvis Presley the second most popular singer in Great Britain behind … Pat Boone. That seems as unlikely as, say, Boone’s recording a heavy metal album.
The number one British song today in 1962, coming to you via satellite:
Britain’s number one album today in 1969 was the Beatles’ “Abbey Road”:
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Since the Brewers aren’t playing in the baseball playoffs, let’s remember …
… when they did. The Brewers’ 2–1 win over Detroit Oct. 3, 1981, secured the franchise’s first playoff berth.
The NBC-TV announcers, by the way, were Joe Garagiola and Milwaukee native Tony Kubek.
One year to the day later …
… the Brewers won their first division title.
One week after that …
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Grove City College Prof. Paul Kengor:
In fact, President Obama and fellow modern progressives/liberals should be ecstatic all this year, rejoicing over the centenary of something so fundamental to their ideology, to their core goals of government, to their sense of economic and social justice — to what Obama once called “redistributive change.”
And what is this celebratory thing to the progressive mind?
It is the progressive income tax. This year it turns 100. Its permanent establishment was set forth in two historic moments: 1. an amendment to the Constitution (the 16th Amendment), ratified Feb. 3, 1913; and 2) its signing into law by the progressive’s progressive, President Woodrow Wilson, Oct. 3, 1913.
It was a major political victory for Wilson and fellow progressives then and still today. By my math, that ought to mean a long, sustained party by today’s progressives, a period of extended thanksgiving.
President Obama once charged that “tax cuts for the wealthy” are the Republicans’ “Holy Grail.” Tax cuts form “their central economic doctrine.”
Well, the federal income tax is the Democrats’ Holy Grail. For progressives/liberals, it forms their central economic doctrine.
As merely one illustration among many I could give, former DNC head Howard Dean and MSNBC host Lawrence O’Donnell were recently inveighing against Republican tax cuts. Dean extolled “what an increase in the top tax rate actually does.”
He insisted: “that’s what governments do — is redistribute. The argument is not whether they should redistribute or not, the question is how much we should redistribute. … The purpose of government is to make sure that capitalism works for everybody. … It’s government’s job to redistribute.”
What Dean said is, in a few lines, a cornerstone of the modern progressive manifesto. For Dean and President Obama and allies, a federal income tax based on graduated or progressive rates embodies and enables government’s primary “job” and “purpose.”
They embrace a progressive tax for the chief intention of wealth redistribution, which, in turn, allows for income leveling, income “equality,” and for government to do the myriad things that progressives ever-increasingly want government to do. …
In 1913, when the progressive income tax began (and the first 1040 form, with instructions, was only four pages long), the top rate was a mere 7 percent, applied only to the fabulously wealthy (incomes above $500,000).
By the time Woodrow Wilson left office in 1921, the great progressive had hiked the upper rate to 73 percent. World War I (for America, 1917-18) had given Wilson a short-term justification, but so did Wilson’s passion for a robust “administrative state.”
Disagreeing with Wilson were the Republican administrations of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge, his immediate successors. Along with their Treasury secretary, Andrew Mellon, they reduced the upper rate, eventually bringing it down to 25 percent by 1925.
In response, the total revenue to the federal Treasury increased significantly, from $700 million to $1 billion, and the budget was repeatedly in surplus.
Unfortunately, the rate began increasing under Herbert Hoover, who jacked the top rate to 63 percent. It soon skyrocketed to 94 percent under another legendary progressive, FDR, who, amazingly, once considered a top rate of 99.5 percent on income above $100,000 (yes, you read that right).
Appalled by this was an actor named Ronald Reagan, himself a progressive Democrat — though not much longer. Reagan often noted that Karl Marx, in his “Communist Manifesto” (1848), demanded a permanent “heavy progressive or graduated income tax.” Indeed, it’s point 2 in Marx’s 10-point program, second only to his call for “abolition of property.”
The upper tax rate wasn’t reduced substantially until 1965, when it came down to 70 percent. Alas, President Ronald Reagan took it down to 28 percent. And despite claims to the contrary, federal revenues under Reagan increased (as they did in the 1920s), rising from $600 billion to nearly $1 trillion. (The Reagan deficits were caused by excessive spending and decreased revenue from the 1981-3 recession.)
The upper rate increased again (to 31 percent) under George H.W. Bush and under Bill Clinton (39.6 percent). George W. Bush cut it to 35 percent. Barack Obama has returned it to the Clinton level of 39.6 percent.
Here in 2013, 100 years henceforth, the wealthiest Americans — the top 10 percent of which already pay over 70 percent of federal tax revenue — will be paying more in taxes this year than any time in the last 30 years. …
Democrats like President Obama complain about Republican “intransigence” in raising tax rates but, truth be told — and as any liberal really knows — if it wasn’t for Republican resistance, progressives would rarely, if ever, cut taxes.
America would remain on a one-way upward trajectory in tax rates, just like under Woodrow Wilson and FDR, and just as it has been in its unrestrained spending for nearly 50 years.
Like their refusal to cut spending (other than on defense), progressives are dragged kicking and screaming into tax cuts. They need high income taxes for the government planning and redistributing they want to do; for Obama’s sense of redistributive justice.
This requires a song …
… or two:
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Actually, I will be on a lot of radio the next two days.
Friday shortly after 8 a.m., I will be on Wisconsin Public Radio discussing, oh, whatever came up this week during the Joy Cardin Show Week in Review.
Wisconsin Public Radio’s Ideas Network can be heard on WHA (970 AM) in Madison, WLBL (930 AM) in Auburndale, WHID (88.1 FM) in Green Bay, WHWC (88.3 FM) in Menomonie, WRFW (88.7 FM) in River Falls, WEPS (88.9 FM) in Elgin, Ill., WHAA (89.1 FM) in Adams, WHBM (90.3 FM) in Park Falls, WHLA (90.3 FM) in La Crosse, WRST (90.3 FM) in Oshkosh, WHAD (90.7 FM) in Delafield, W215AQ (90.9 FM) in Middleton, KUWS (91.3 FM) in Superior, WHHI (91.3 FM) in Highland, WSHS (91.7 FM) in Sheboygan, WHDI (91.9 FM) in Sister Bay, WLBL (91.9 FM) in Wausau, W275AF (102.9 FM) in Ashland, W300BM (107.9 FM) in Madison, and of course online at www.wpr.org.
Eleven hours later, I will be broadcasting the Platteville–Dodgeville football game on WPVL (1590 AM) and on http://www.theespndoubleteam.com. An entertaining game is expected because (1) the first meeting between the two teams ended 48–45, a Super Bowl-length game thanks to much passing and a lightning delay, and (2) as with the first meeting, severe weather is in the forecast. I’ve already done a baseball game during a tornado warning this year, so maybe I’ll get a second chance at discussing green skies.
Twenty hours after that, I will be making my sideline reporting debut on the UW–Platteville Homecoming football game against UW–Eau Claire at 3 p.m., again on WPVL and http://www.theespndoubleteam.com.
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We begin with this unusual event: Today in 1978, the members of Aerosmith bailed out 30 of their fans who were arrested at their concert in Fort Wayne, Ind., for smoking marijuana:
Britain’s number one single today in 1987:
Today in 1992 on NBC-TV’s “Saturday Night Live,” Sinead O’Connor torpedoed her own career:
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First: Is the federal government really shut down?
Not according to Reason:
They call it a “government shutdown.” But of about 4.1 million people who work for the federal government, about 80% will still be expected to show up for work.
We still don’t have an exact number of federal employees who won’t be working in a shutdown, but most press reports have been pegging the number around 800,000, the number who stayed home the last time the government shut down in 1996.
This is certainly predictable:
Proof positive that government is too large comes in this graphic:

“FLOTUS” is short for “First Lady of the United States.” That would be Michelle Obama, who apparently is far too busy to Tweet herself. (As a Facebook post put it, Michelle’s Tweeter was furloughed.)
Meanwhile, David McElroy reports that because the shutdown shut down national parks, forest, recreational areas and so on (of which Wisconsin has very few controlled by the feds), Gettysburg National Military Park is closed Saturday, thus forcing the Ku Klux Klan to hold their rally elsewhere.
The government shutdown got, well, invaded, reports CNN:
Busloads of World War II veterans, many in wheelchairs, broke past a barricade Tuesday morning to cross into the World War II Memorial, as onlookers applauded and a man playing the bagpipes led the way.
Moments earlier, a few Republican members of Congress had removed a section of the black gates that surrounded the site, allowing a line of veterans to roll past security officers, who willingly stood aside. …
The National Park Service closed all of its parks, including national memorials, as a result of the federal government shutdown that went into effect at 12:01 a.m ET.
But a spokeswoman from the National Mall and Parks Service said efforts were no longer being made to hold anyone back.
“These are important visitors,” she told reporters, adding that they’re seeking guidance from the director’s office on “where we go next.”
“Obviously we did not want to do anything to mar the trip of these people,” she said, saying the visitors came from Mississippi and Iowa. “They’ve come here specifically to see the memorial that was built for them.”
Some Republican members of Congress and a Democratic senator were on site, blasting the federal government for fencing off the memorial. Outraged and baffled, Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, crossed through an opening in the railing earlier in the morning–before the breach–and got on the phone to try and reach the secretary of the Department of Interior.
“I don’t get it. I’m furious. I’m trying to get a hold of people,” he said, standing on the other side of the barricade and looking around for help. “But I can’t seem to get a hold of anybody.” …
A few House Republicans were also at the memorial to disparage the government for closing off the landmark on a day that veterans were set to arrive.
“We’ve got park service employees out here,” said Rep. Louie Gohmert of Texas, before the gates were opened. “Why wouldn’t you have them here to allow the veterans in, instead of stand and keep them from coming in?”
Rep. Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, wearing casual clothes, said she was out walking when she heard about the pile-up outside the memorial and decided to hustle over to the site.
“The last thing we should see in America is a barricade for World War II veterans to be prevented from coming to their memorial,” Bachmann said.
She vowed she and colleagues will be there “today, tomorrow, the next day, however long it takes” to keep the memorial open.
“America is not shutting down,” she said. “If we have anything to say about it, we’re going to keep this open.”
That’s funny. This, from Mike Flynn, is not:
The House first tried to defund ObamaCare. Then, it tried to delay the whole law and then just the individual mandate. In the final hours before the midnight deadline, the House ended with a simple proposal. It would agree to fund the government, if the Senate agreed to scrap the special subsidies lawmakers and staff receive to purchase health insurance. The final House proposal only effected people on Capitol Hill. Harry Reid said, effectively, we’ll shut down the government to keep our subsidies.
When ObamaCare was passed in 2010, an amendment was added by Sen. Chuck Grassley requiring members of Congress and their staffs to enroll in the ObamaCare exchanges. The federal government currently covers over 70% of health insurance premiums for Hill staff, but would no longer be able to do so through the exchanges. The end result is that members and staff would have to pick up the costs of their insurance premiums themselves.
The Obama Administration issued a rule earlier this year that effectively waived this. The federal government could still pick up 70% of the premium costs for members and their staffs. It is this special exemption that LA Sen. David Vitter has focused on repealing.
The final proposal on keeping the government open from the House removed this special Congressional exemption. Members and staff would no longer receive special subsidies from the federal government to purchase health insurance. The proposal would have also suspended, for one year, penalties levied on individuals who don’t have health insurance. This is similar to the waiver granted by the Obama Administration to employers earlier this year.
The Senate, however, rejected both provisions. Had it opted to eliminate its own special subsidies, the government would be open today. Preserving its own platinum health insurance coverage drove the Senate to close the government.
I mentioned earlier this week that state finances are superior because if the budget cycle ends without a new budget, appropriations continue under the previous budget until the new budget becomes law. This used to be the case at the federal level, too, until 1980, as National Public Radio reports …
“In the ’60s and ’70s down until 1980, it was not taken that seriously at all,” says Charles Tiefer, a former legal adviser to the House of Representatives, who now teaches at the University of Baltimore Law School. In the old days, he says, when lawmakers reached a budget stalemate, the federal workforce just went about its business.
“It was thought that Congress would soon get around to passing the spending bill and there was no point in raising a ruckus while waiting,” he says.
That easygoing attitude changed during the last year of President Jimmy Carter’s administration. That’s when Attorney General Benjamin Civiletti issued a legal opinion saying government work cannot go on until Congress agrees to pay for it.
“They used an obscure statute to say that if any work continued in an agency where there wasn’t money, the employees were behaving like illegal volunteers,” says Tiefer. “So they not only could shut off the lights and leave, they were obliged to shut off the lights and leave.”
Civiletti later issued a second opinion with a less strict interpretation — allowing essential government services to continue in the absence of a spending bill. But even with that exception, the stakes of a legislative standoff had been raised — which could be why lawmakers suddenly got serious about making deals.
So the political artifice you’re watching is all Civiletti’s fault. And every attorney general since Civiletti, who simply could have issued the legal opinion that Civiletti’s legal opinion is incorrect. Of course, every Congress since 1980 could have passed a law to negate Civiletti’s opinion and require funding under the previous appropriation, too.
You have read opinions that the shutdown is a disaster for Congressional Republicans. Their proof is in polls conducted more than a year before the 2014 Congressional elections, and the supposed bad things that happened to Republicans from the 1995–96 shutdown. And what bad things were those? Republicans controlled both houses of Congress through the remainder of Bill Clinton’s presidency, despite Bill Clinton’s reelection in 1996.
If the Libertarian Party is correct, House Republicans should refuse to sign off on any deal regardless of what it contains:
There is no impending government shutdown — only a government slowdown. The threat of a “shutdown” is designed to scare voters while avoiding scrutiny of reckless government overspending.
If federal lawmakers do not pass a budget or a “continuing resolution” (CR) by Oct. 1, a government spending slowdown will take effect. This could halt almost $1 trillion in annualized spending that the CR would authorize, which is the size of the current federal deficit. If made permanent, this would cut annual federal spending by approximately 27 percent to $2.7 trillion — the current level of revenues coming in.
In other words, a federal slowdown — if allowed to take full effect — would balance the federal budget. This would greatly benefit the U.S. economy.
“Elected Republicans in the House can stimulate the productive private sector by slowing down Big Government,” said Geoffrey J. Neale, chair of the Libertarian National Committee.
“Why?” Neale asked. “Because a government-sector slowdown equals a private-sector growth speedup of small businesses and jobs. Americans should welcome a government slowdown — and fear the opposite: allowing politicians to continue irresponsible, reckless government overspending.”
Do politicians properly prioritize spending cuts when a slowdown takes effect? Yes and no. Functions that affect life or property generally remain funded, but many needed cuts — such as lucrative government perks, Obamacare, and large volumes of waste marbled throughout government spending — remain intact.
Furthermore, lawmakers have made numerous exceptions to the slowdown. Only a portion of the $1 trillion that would be authorized by a CR will be blocked if a slowdown takes effect.
While the particulars of the impending slowdown are far from perfect, any serious spending cuts are a welcome change from wildly irresponsible government overspending and growing government debt.
Every American should ask himself one question: Is my family better off with a government slowdown that cuts federal spending by 27 percent? Or is my family better off with another trillion dollars in federal government debt?
Transferring wealth out of the government sector and into the private sector creates jobs. Every government-funded job loss is matched by roughly two private sector job gains — a panacea for jobseekers. …
At any time, the Republican-controlled House can do the right thing: Both fully defund Obamacare and refuse to pass a continuing resolution. They control the federal purse strings.
All that House Republicans need to do is debunk phony “shutdown” talk and pass a new bill.
“Lawmakers do not need to concede to either overspending or Obamacare,” said Neale. “Instead, we must move in the opposite direction: dramatically cut government spending and remove existing health care mandates, taxes, and regulations that stifle human progress.”
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Today in 1953, Victor Borge’s “Comedy in Music” opened on Broadway, closing 849 performances later. (Pop.)
Today in 1960, Maurice Williams and the Zodiacs released “Stay,” which would become the shortest number one single of all time:
The number one single today in 1965:
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With enrollment for ObamaCare beginning today, Reason lists eight potential problems with ObamaCare, including …
1) When more people have health insurance, it could be harder to see primary care physicians: There’s already a shortage of primary care physicians relative to national demand. Increasing the number of people who have health insurance tends to increase the demand for physicians’ services. As the Associated Press reported this week, “A shortage of primary care physicians in some parts of the country is expected to worsen as millions of newly insured Americans gain coverage under the federal health care law next year. Doctors could face a backlog, and patients could find it difficult to get quick appointments.”
2) Health insurers will limit doctor networks in order to keep prices down: When California’s insurance regulators first released information on health premiums through the state’s insurance exchange, they touted lower than expected rates. But the comparison was misleading, stacking the exchange’s individual premiums up against small business rates. And there was something else they didn’t say either: Many of the state’s health insurers held down prices by strictly limiting the available providers. “To hold down premiums,” the L.A. Times reported this week, “major insurers in California have sharply limited the number of doctors and hospitals available to patients in the state’s new health insurance market opening Oct. 1.”
3) Employers will cut hours for workers. Jed Graham of Investor’s Business Daily has put together a list of more than 300 employers who have already reduced hours or full-time employment in order to avoid potential requirements under Obamacare. Labor leader Richard Trumka, who supported the law, has said that employers are now cutting hours to avoid the law’s mandates. And this is with the employer mandate delayed for a year. …
5) The online exchange technology won’t be ready — or won’t work as well as its supposed to. The state of Oregon, one of the states that has been most enthusiastic about implementing the law, has already said that online enrollment will not be available on October 1. Health officials working on the law, meanwhile, have begun to view the beginning of enrollment in October as a “soft launch,” according to The Washington Post. And independent health care investment analysts are warning that when the exchanges are launched that “technical glitches and functional issues” are “probable.”
6) Employers could move many more workers than expected onto the exchanges, and increase the price of the law as a result. Small changes in household premium contributions for workers in employer sponsored insurance could make the exchanges much more attractive to millions of people, according to a recent study in Health Affairs. “As household premium contributions rise,” the study explains, “people are increasingly eligible and motivated to participate in the exchange, because they will receive a federal premium subsidy and an effective wage increase (to compensate for leaving employer-provided insurance).” Adjusting the average national premium contribution by just $100 could push 2.2 million people to move into the exchange, the study warns, and, thanks to greater reliance on public subsidies for coverage, increase the law’s federal price tag by $6.7 billion.
Contrary to what ObamaCare cheerleader U.S. Rep. Ron Kind (D–La Crosse) claims, number three is already happening. You’d think Kind would be embarrassed to find out, at a forum he sponsored to cheerlead for ObamaCare, that at least two major employers in the southern part of his Third Congressional District cut employee hours months before ObamaCare became law. Number six is already happening now as well, because health insurance has been increasing in cost far faster than ObamaCare’s cheerleaders thought. Oops.
Bloomberg adds 11 bits of conventional ObamaCare wisdom about which you should think otherwise, including …
1. Once Obamacare goes into effect, it will be impossible to substantially cut it back. Both sides seem convinced of this — Republicans in terror, Democrats in glee. Funny thing, though — the other day, my father mentioned casually that many of his classmates at the Syracuse’s Maxwell School of Public Policy in the mid-to-late 1960s had been on Medicaid. And then, suddenly, they weren’t.
It turns out that in 1965, when Medicaid passed, the State of New York had a great idea: shower a bounty of federal money on New Yorkers by setting the income eligibility limits much higher than other states. They financed this by requiring the local government to kick in 25 percent of the cost. The Feds matched state + local dollars, so that for each dollar New York State spent, it got one local and two federal dollars to go along with it. At the income levels they set, a third of the state was eligible.
Then, the Federal government noticed that it was spending many multiples of what had been projected, with a lot of those dollars going to New York. New York cut back the program sharply, turning Medicaid into what it is today — a shoestring program for low-income families, rather than the comprehensive middle-income safety net that New York State had envisioned.
This drama has played out in other states, most recently in Tennessee, where a large Medicaid expansion into more middle-class populations had to be rolled back when the state could no longer fund it. Entitlements are hard to roll back, but it is clearly not impossible, because it’s been done.
2. Accountable Care Organizations are certain to bring down overall health spending . Here’s another interesting observation I heard the other day, this time from a participant in the recent Brookings’ papers: it’s not clear that ACOs are going to save money. The idea behind ACOs is that they will help us move away from fee-for-service medicine, in which doctors are paid for doing stuff, and toward a system where doctors are paid by the patient, a system usually rendered in the popular lexicon as “paying for health, not treatment.” The unspoken underlying assumption being that this means “paying less for health.”
This is the holy grail of health care economists, and perhaps it is finally upon us. But we should be cautious. The obvious reason is that “health” is hard to measure, so what you often end up is “paying for the condition of the patient.” That is, you give doctors a certain fee for all patients with moderate heart disease, diabetes and a thyroid condition. Since they get the same fee no matter what they do, you end the incentives for overtreatment. Cynics have observed, however, that you then create incentives for undertreatment. The cynics are right.
The un-obvious reason that we shouldn’t be too confident in the ACO revolution is that bundling payments this way encourages — in fact, nearly requires — doctors to band together in much larger practice groups. A small practitioner with a few hundred patients is extremely vulnerable to the possibility that some of those patients will end up requiring much more treatment than their health status classification would predict. A few of those, and you’ve lost money for the year. And what if those patients are also extra-expensive next year? Bankruptcy court looms. So you need a very large practice to make the financials work, so that you can be sure that the extra-expensive patients are balanced out by some extra-cheap ones. This also makes it easier to manage a patient’s entire set of health problems within a single practice.
But as the participant pointed out, consolidation is one of the things that is known to drive up prices in health care markets. When you’re an insurer negotiating with 2,500 individual doctors, you have a fair amount of leverage to keep their fees down. When you’re negotiating with four large practice groups, suddenly you’re not so powerful, because you might lose customers if your policy excludes a quarter of the doctors in town. So it’s not yet clear whether ACOs are actually going to lower costs — or even work at all. …
6. Breaking the link between health insurance and employment will spur entrepreneurship. There’s a decent amount of evidence suggesting that access to health insurance outside of your job reduces what economists call “job lock” — people who stay tied to a job when they’d rather be elsewhere. This has led a lot of observers suggest that we might be on the verge of turbocharging our economy by unleashing a wave of entrepreneurs who are currently tied to their job for the insurance.
It’s a compelling, and entirely plausible, story. But at this point, it’s just a story. For a lengthy discussion of the various studies, and why we might or might not believe them, you can read the piece I wrote this summer. The TL;DR version is that people who have a chronic illness end up tied to their jobs for lots of reasons — you don’t want to take many risks if you, or a loved one, might have a medical emergency at any moment, so it’s not clear how much health insurance, rather than the steady paycheck, accounts for the job lock. And while ending job lock may unleash entrepreneurship, it may also encourage people to exit the labor force earlier than they otherwise would, creating a net drag on the economy.
You also have to consider the fact that the new health care law raises the cost of expanding your company — suddenly, when you hit that 50th employee, you either have to buy them all health insurance, or pay a big penalty. (At least, assuming the employer mandate actually eventually takes effect.) On the other hand, it might lower the costs of growing a small company, since you don’t have to buy your employees health insurance to tempt them away from a larger company. It’s all very complicated. Which is why this should be classified as “speculative” rather than “conventional wisdom.” …
9. People with pre-existing conditions will be able to buy insurance in the private market for the first time. I used to believe that I was uninsurable in the private market, because I have a (fairly boring) autoimmune disease. My colleague Virginia Postrel, a breast cancer survivor who buys insurance in the private market, set me straight. Since the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act passed in 1996, people with pre-existing conditions can still be covered as long as they maintain health coverage. It’s only if your coverage lapses that you run into trouble.
Obviously, not everyone maintains coverage — when you’ve lost a job, health insurance is often one of the first things that gets cut, and some people never had coverage in the first place. But it isn’t true that no one with pre-existing conditions could get health insurance before Obamacare came along and fixed everything.
This is, by the way, one more reason to be skeptical of predictions that we’re about to unlock a massive untapped well of entrepreneurship.
“Skeptical”? I’m not skeptical at all. It is absolutely ludicrous to assume that ObamaCare is going to “unlock a massive untapped well” of anything except ObamaCare disaster stories.
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Right Wisconsin passes on this:
According to the College Fix, University of Wisconsin Madison graduate student Jason Morgan bucked the administration last week when he refused to attend a mandatory “diversity training” class for Teaching Assistants (TA).
The reason? Morgan objected to the Left-wing indoctrination and was called a “racist” for his objections.The College Fix adds:
The letter, sent by email Sept. 22, states all new TAs in the university’s history department are required to attend one orientation session, two training sessions, and two diversity sessions. Morgan, in his letter, called the first of the two diversity sessions, held Friday, “an avalanche of insinuations, outright accusations, and suffocating political indoctrination (or, as some of the worksheets revealingly put it, ‘re-education’) entirely unbecoming a university of our stature.”
Morgan’s email begins with …
In keeping with the spirit of the Wisconsin Idea, I am also blind-copying on this e-mail several journalistic outlets and state government officials, because the taxpayers who support this university deserve to know how their money is being spent.
As you are probably aware, all new TAs in the History Department are required to attend one orientation session, two TA training sessions, and two diversity sessions. Yesterday (Friday, September 20th), we new TAs attended the first of the diversity sessions. To be quite blunt, I was appalled. What we were given, under the rubric of “diversity,” was an avalanche of insinuations, outright accusations, and suffocating political indoctrination (or, as some of the worksheets revealingly put it, “re-education”) entirely unbecoming a university of our stature.
Students at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and students at probably every other public institution of higher education in this country, have long since grown accustomed to incessant leftism. It is in the very air that we breathe. Bascom Hill, for example, is roped off and the university is shut down so that Barack Obama (D), Mark Pocan (D), and Tammy Baldwin (D) can deliver campaign speeches before election day. (The university kindly helped direct student traffic to these campaign events by sending out a mass e-mail encouraging the student body to go to the Barack Obama for President website and click “I’m In for Barack!” in order to attend.) Marxist diatribes denouncing Christianity, Christians, the United States, and conservatives (I am happy to provide as many examples of this as might be required) are assigned as serious scholarship in seminars. The Teaching Assistants Association (TAA)–which sent out mass e-mails, using History Department list-servs, during the attempt to recall Governor Scott Walker, accusing Gov. Walker of, among other things, being “Nero”–is allowed to address TA and graduate student sessions as a “non-partisan organization”. The History Department sponsors a leftist political rally, along with the Socialist Party of Wisconsin, and advertises for the rally via a departmental e-mail (sent, one presumes, using state computers by employees drawing salaries from a state institution). In short, this university finds it convenient to pretend that it is an apolitical entity, but one need not be particularly astute to perceive that the Madison campus is little more than a think tank for the hard left. Even those who wholeheartedly support this political agenda might in all candor admit that the contours of the leftism here are somewhat less than subtle.At the “diversity” training yesterday, though, even this fig leaf of apoliticism was discarded. In an utterly unprofessional way, the overriding presumption of the session was that the people whom the History Department has chosen to employ as teaching assistants are probably racists. In true “diversity” style, the language in which the presentation was couched was marbled with words like “inclusive”, “respect”, and “justice”. But the tone was unmistakably accusatory and radical. Our facilitator spoke openly of politicizing her classrooms in order to right (take revenge for?) past wrongs. We opened the session with chapter-and-verse quotes from diversity theorists who rehearsed the same tired “power and privilege” cant that so dominates seminar readings and official university hand-wringing over unmet race quotas. Indeed, one mild-mannered Korean woman yesterday felt compelled to insist that she wasn’t a racist. I never imagined that she was, but the atmosphere of the meeting had been so poisoned that even we traditional quarries of the diversity Furies were forced to share our collective guilt with those from continents far across the wine-dark sea.
It is hardly surprising that any of us hectorees would feel thusly. For example, in one of the handouts that our facilitator asked us to read (“Detour-Spotting: for white anti-racists,” by joan olsson [sic]), we learned things like, “As white infants we were fed a pabulum of racist propaganda,” “…there was no escaping the daily racist propaganda,” and, perhaps most even-handed of all, “Racism continues in the name of all white people.” Perhaps the Korean woman did not read carefully enough to realize that only white people (all of them, in fact) are racist. Nevertheless, in a manner stunningly redolent of “self-criticism” during the Cultural Revolution in communist China, the implication of the entire session was that everyone was suspect, and everyone had some explaining to do.
You have always been very kind to me, Prof. Kantrowitz, so it pains me to ask you this, but is this really what the History Department thinks of me? Is this what you think of me? I am not sure who selected the readings or crafted the itinerary for the diversity session, but, as they must have done so with the full sanction of the History Department, one can only conclude that the Department agrees with such wild accusations, and supports them. Am I to understand that this is how the white people who work in this Department are viewed? If so, I cannot help but wonder why in the world the Department hired any of us in the first place. Would not anyone be better?
There is one further issue. At the end of yesterday’s diversity “re-education,” we were told that our next session would include a presentation on “Trans Students”. At that coming session, according to the handout we were given, we will learn how to let students ‘choose their own pronouns’, how to correct other students who mistakenly use the wrong pronouns, and how to ask people which pronouns they prefer (“I use the pronouns he/him/his. I want to make sure I address you correctly. What pronouns do you use?”). Also on the agenda for next week are “important trans struggles, as well as those of the intersexed and other gender-variant communities,” “stand[ing] up to the rules of gender,” and a very helpful glossary of related terms and acronyms, to wit: “Trans”: for those who “identify along the gender-variant spectrum,” and “Genderqueer”: “for those who consider their gender outside the binary gender system”. I hasten to reiterate that I am quoting from diversity handouts; I am not making any of this up.Please allow me to be quite frank. My job, which I love, is to teach students Japanese history. This week, for example, I have been busy explaining the intricacies of the Genpei War (1180-1185), during which time Japan underwent a transition from an earlier, imperial-rule system under regents and cloistered emperors to a medieval, feudal system run by warriors and estate managers. It is an honor and a great joy to teach students the history of Japan. I take my job very seriously, and I look forward to coming to work each day.
It is most certainly not my job, though, to cheer along anyone, student or otherwise, in their psychological confusion. I am not in graduate school to learn how to encourage poor souls in their sexual experimentation, nor am I receiving generous stipends of taxpayer monies from the good people of the Great State of Wisconsin to play along with fantasies or accommodate public cross-dressing. To all and sundry alike I explicate, as best I can, such things as the clash between the Taira and the Minamoto, the rise of the Kamakura shogunate, and the decline of the imperial house in twelfth-century Japan. Everyone is welcome in my classroom, but, whether directly or indirectly, I will not implicate myself in my students’ fetishes, whatever those might be. What they do on their own time is their business; I will not be a party to it. I am exercising my right here to say, “Enough is enough.” One grows used to being thought a snarling racist–after all, others’ opinions are not my affair–but one draws the line at assisting students in their private proclivities. That is a bridge too far, and one that I, at least, will not cross.I regret that this leaves us in an awkward situation. After having been accused of virulent racism and, now, assured that I will next learn how to parse the taxonomy of “Genderqueers”, I am afraid that I will disappoint those who expect me to attend any further diversity sessions. When a Virginia-based research firm came to campus a couple of years ago to present findings from their study of campus diversity, then-Diversity Officer Damon Williams sent a gaggle of shouting, sign-waving undergraduates to the meeting, disrupting the proceedings so badly that the meeting was cancelled. In a final break with such so-called “diversity”, I will not be storming your office or shouting into a megaphone outside your window. Instead, I respectfully inform you hereby that I am disinclined to join in any more mandatory radicalism. I have, thank God, many more important things to do. I also request that diversity training be made optional for all TAs, effective immediately. In my humble opinion, neither the Department nor the university has any right to subject anyone to such intellectual tyranny.
Keep this in mind the next time you read complaints from the UW System generally or UW–Madison specifically that either doesn’t have enough taxpayer money. This is where your tax dollars are going … you racist.
