“Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We didn’t pass it to our children in the bloodstream. It must be fought for, protected, and handed on for them to do the same, or one day we will spend our sunset years telling our children and our children’s children what it was once like in the United States where men were free.”
“We must reject the idea that every time a law’s broken, society is guilty rather than the lawbreaker. It is time to restore the American precept that each individual is accountable for his actions.”
“Republicans believe every day is the Fourth of July, but the Democrats believe every day is April 15.”
“Socialists ignore the side of man that is the spirit. They can provide you shelter, fill your belly with bacon and beans, treat you when you’re ill, all the things guaranteed to a prisoner or a slave. They don’t understand that we also dream.”
“If you analyze it I believe the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism. I think conservatism is really a misnomer just as liberalism is a misnomer for the liberals — if we were back in the days of the Revolution, so-called conservatives today would be the Liberals and the liberals would be the Tories. The basis of conservatism is a desire for less government interference or less centralized authority or more individual freedom and this is a pretty general description also of what libertarianism is.”
“Democracy is worth dying for, because it’s the most deeply honorable form of government ever devised by man.”
“I’ve spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don’t know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it was a tall, proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, windswept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity. And if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That’s how I saw it, and see it still.”
The Packers are certainly familiar with Super Sunday, having won four of five Super Bowl visits as part of their 13 NFL championships, more than any other NFL team.
Wisconsin is naturally crazy about the Packers, but for those who don’t live in the Green Bay TV market, there is no substitute for being in the Green Bay TV market during a Super Bowl trip.
In 1997 the NFC championship was played at Lambeau Field. Two days before that I attended (after failing to get a pass for the actual game) the NFC championship press conference at a Green Bay hotel. All the Green Bay TV stations carried it live, and therefore all showed me (or by audio) ask the same question of Brett Favre and Reggie White, to note how different that season was with three relatively new teams in the conference championship round. (That was also the season that, while I was getting gas at an Appleton gas station, someone asked if I was Brett Favre. That’s certainly not surprising, since as everyone knows it was natural for Favre to drive a 1991 Ford Escort GT and get gas minutes before he was supposed to be at practice 30 miles away.)
What about the non-championship seasons? Cliff Christl profiles the almost-seasons:
5- 1997 – Yes, this team lost a Super Bowl as the favorite. But it was not the same team that won in 1996. There was no Desmond Howard returning kicks, no Keith Jackson beating defenses down the seam and no Sean Jones at right defensive end. It might have been time to replace Jones, but Gabe Wilkins wasn’t the answer. Unlike the 1960 Packers who kept getting better, this team’s defense hit the wall in the Super Bowl. The defensive linemen, including Reggie White, were running on fumes at the end – if they were running at all – and 34-year old safety Eugene Robinson might have set some kind of record for missed tackles. In fact, I’m not so sure the 1995 Packers weren’t better. Their misfortune was playing the Dallas Cowboys, a truly great team and the last of the NFL dynasties, in the NFC title game. …
4- 2011 – The Packers went 15-1 in the regular season, their best winning percentage since 1929. Aaron Rodgers had an MVP season with an NFL record 122.5 passer rating and a phenomenal touchdown-to-interception ratio of 45-6. The Packers won the division by five games. They scored more than 40 points six times. Sure, the defense ranked last in the NFL in yards allowed. But at the time, defense wasn’t the all-important element it had once been. While that might be changing again, two Super Bowl champs in the previous five years, Indianapolis and New Orleans, had ranked lower than 20th in defense. And the 9-7 New York Giants, the team that bounced the Packers out of the playoffs in the divisional round and went on to win the Super Bowl, ranked 27th in defense that year, only five slots better than the Packers.
3- 1941 – This Packers team split two regular-season games against the Monsters of the Midway when they were at their peak. The Bears had crushed Washington, 73-0, in the previous season’s championship game. They would repeat as champions in 1941 with pretty much the same players and with another decisive 37-9 title-game victory over the Giants. But the Packers beat the Bears, 16-14, late in the season when Curly Lambeau surprised them with a seven-man defensive line and paralyzed their vaunted T-formation. As a result, the two teams tied for the Western Division title with 10-1 records before the Packers lost the playoff, 33-14. Cecil Isbell led the league in passing and Don Hutson led it in scoring and receiving.
2- 1960 – This was Lombardi’s second team and it probably played as well as any of his five champions down the stretch, if not better. It won a tight five-team race by winning its final three games by a combined score of 89-34. Then it dominated Philadelphia in the NFL championship, outgaining the Eagles, 401 yards to 296, running 77 offensive plays to their 48 and picking up 22 first downs to their 13. But this would be the only Lombardi team to lose a title game. It bowed, 17-13, when Chuck Bednarik tackled Jim Taylor at the Eagles’ 9-yard line on the final play. In Lombardi’s eyes, it wasn’t his team that lost the game. He blamed himself, citing two fourth-down gambles that backfired.
1- 1963 – Vince Lombardi once said, “‘61 and ’62 were great teams, but the ’63 team was probably the best team of all time.” Seems like a strange thing for a coach to say who preached there were only two places: First and last. But he probably based it on this: His 22 starters in ’63 averaged an ideal 5.5 years of experience and only three were older than 30. Had he lived longer would Lombardi have reconsidered? Perhaps. But who am I to argue with him? The 1963 Packers finished 11-2-1, losing to the Chicago Bears twice. The Bears won the season opener, 10-3, and the rematch in Wrigley Field, 26-7. That allowed them to edge the Packers by a half-game in the Western Conference race – the Bears finished 11-1-2 – and to beat the New York Giants, 14-10, in the championship game. Paul Hornung was suspended and missed the season. An injured Bart Starr missed four starts, including the second Packers-Bears game. Otherwise, it was basically the same lineup that went 13-1 and won the 1962 title. The one change was Lionel Aldridge replacing Bill Quinlan at right defensive end.
To this list could be added the 2003 Packers, which despite having Favre and a road-grader running game with Ahman Green, needed an improbable Vikings loss to Arizona to get in the playoffs as the NFC North champion …
… which was followed by the first defensive touchdown to win an overtime playoff game in NFL history …
… only to end with a second-round loss to the Eagles in the infamous fourth-and-26 game.
Bizarrely, I have to write about Stephen Colbert twice in a week, because, Scouting Magazine reports:
Earning the Eagle Scout award is “quite an achievement,” says Stephen Colbert. But more than that, writes The Late Show host, earning Eagle is “the first steppingstone toward having your own TV show.”
That’s how “Dr. Stephen T. Colbert, D.F.A.” begins a hilariously awesome congratulatory letter to a newly minted Eagle Scout.
Whether Colbert was even ever a Boy Scout, obviously he either learned something or did his research.
One of the improvements of American life that drives liberals nuts is the rise of the right-wing media roughly since the start of the Clinton administration.
Liberals hate, hate, hate the fact that conservative talk radio has been far more commercially successful than liberal talk radio. (Air America, anyone?) Al Gore’s attempt to build a liberal Fox News, Current TV, was absorbed into Al Jazeera America, which is pulling its own plug. When National Review is derided as the establishment, it proves that there are plenty of conservative voices, which did not use to be the case in the mass(ish) media. It proves National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr.’s truism about liberals claiming to support other views without supporting the existence of other views.
Susan Wright isn’t happy with the conservative media, however:
The Golden Age of journalism is dead. There are no more Edward R. Murrows, William F. Buckleys, or Walter Cronkites. Don’t look for them. They don’t exist. Those days when the news was the news and a journalist made his bones by digging for the facts and breaking the big stories are now the stuff of faded legend. While the advent of the internet has given us a few inspiring bloggers and investigative wonders (R.I.P Andrew Breitbart), you find that you spend more time sifting through the ramblings of tinfoil hatted-bedlamites, in search of a grain of authenticity than you do reading factual, supported news.
Trust used to be a core principle of the journalism game, as well. Walter Cronkite was once called the most trusted man in America. People wanted to believe that when they invited those familiar faces into their homes each night that they were being told the truth, with no shading or variances, in any way. These days, you can’t be sure if what you’re hearing is factually based, distorted to suit the political ideology of the reporter, or if their reports are rooted in backroom deals and payoffs.
All that brings me to my point: We have reached a tragic period in our nation’s history, where the media seeks to influence the news, rather than simply report it. The danger in that is that they seek further treasure than just ratings. I don’t even care about CNN, MSNBC, or any of the other alphabet soup networks, who, over the years, have proven to be reliably left-biased. Conservatives assumed they had one network that didn’t seem to be overrun with leftist radicals, and that was FOX. There are also a litany of supposed rightwing talk radio hosts. Millions of conservatives tune in to Fox News, each day. Just as many tune in to hear Rush Limbaugh, Mark Levin, or Sean Hannity on any given day, in hopes of hearing well-researched and principled discussion on the state of the nation.
At this very critical juncture in our history, while our nation and our liberties have been ravaged by the Obama years, and life as we know it in this nation hangs precariously by a thread, Fox News, Limbaugh, Levin, and Hannity have gambled with our future, knowing we have no collateral to back up the game. For months, these fair weather friends of conservatism have heaped slovenly, starry-eyed adoration on Donald Trump. Trump – that gilded toad, who’s conservative history began at about the time he decided to run as a Republican has been shoved in our faces from the day he announced, garnering twice as much attention as any actual, proven conservative candidate by Fox News. In fact, Fox flooded the airwaves with appearances by Trump more than double any other candidate, according to a Business Insider article from December 2015, and that’s not taking into account the time dedicated to marveling over his every word and deed. In spite of the supposed lingering feud between Trump and Fox, they have been a boon for him. Their 24/7 coverage of all-things-Trump have made this arrogant buffoon seem like a legitimate candidate, rather than a bad Saturday Night Live skit. He already had name recognition, due to his reality TV show, but what Fox has done borders on journalistic malpractice. At the expense of other candidates, with actual conservative credentials to fall back on, not to mention experience and policy knowledge, they have led the public to believe that it is the job of other candidates to answer for Trump. There was no programming with Fox where Trump wasn’t mentioned, and if another candidate got air time, that time was spent fielding questions about Trump. The idea of letting those candidates give their pitch for their campaigns was something that came only in passing, and usually the Fox personalities found a way to direct it back to a Trump question. For those of us who actually want to hear from candidates who’ve been conservative for more than a year, it has been a disgusting debacle to witness.
Then there’s “conservative” talk radio. For any who thought turning off the TV and switching to radio would offer some respite from Trump fatigue, no such luck. I was once an avid listener of Levin, Limbaugh, and Hannity, but no more. For months after Trump’s ridiculously garish announcement, these talking heads would gush, ad nauseam, about his boldness, how he was turning the establishment on their heads, he was shaking things up, he was saying what nobody else would say, etc… If Trump wore a blue tie on a Thursday, Sean Hannity would spend 2 hours of his 3 hour show dissecting the significance, and outright brilliance of that tie choice. The other hour would be spent asking callers to tell how much they loved Trump’s tie. I’ve seen brown-nosing and toadie groveling, in my day, but Hannity’s obsession with Donald Trump borders on the psychotic. No one will be surprised when Hannity is busted outside of Trump’s penthouse apartment building, holding a boombox over his head, while Peter Gabriel’s “In Your Eyes” cuts through the night air.
Mark Levin’s fans are voicing feeble defenses of the man these days, pointing out how harsh he’s being with Trump. GEE… Welcome to the party, Mark! For months, Levin couldn’t stop talking of Trump’s brilliant strategy, how he was tapping into conservative angst. He wasn’t PC and the so-called establishment couldn’t stand it! Oddly enough, in 2011, Levin said of Trump, “Trump is NOT the real deal. He will get Obama re-elected. This is not a game. This is not a circus. He is not a conservative… We should not encourage this,” But a mere 4 years later, Levin was one more clown under the Big Top. His recent return to his senses is too little, too late.
Rush Limbaugh is a particularly heinous breed of sycophant. Supposedly, Trump is a golfing pal of Limbaugh’s. If he would just say he was going to stump for his friend, those of us who know Trump is a dangerous, narcissistic, tyrant-in-waiting, would at least know why, but el Rushbo plays it off, while pretending to be impartial. He’s anything but that. He likes to tout his “talent on loan from God.” Maybe he should return the talent and ask for some integrity. He has sold us out. He has sold himself out. Any vestige of being a courageous voice for the right is gone. He’s a voice for the highest bidder, well-being of our nation be damned.
The thing is, I get how Trump appeals to the public’s anger. Republicans turned out and gave their party the majority in the House and Senate, only to see them promptly become the right arm of Obama. People are angry, but at some point, you stop venting and you start looking at the best way to fix what has gone wrong. Unbridled anger may be temporarily satisfying, but it won’t lead to the solutions we so desperately require. That is where media becomes important. Done responsibly and with honor, it is a valuable tool for vetting our choices, but here we are. The media are playing a game, attempting to shape the race, rather than do their jobs and give the public a full and accurate picture of our choices. What’s more, they’ve worked overtime to give undue publicity to a man no more qualified to be president than an 8 year old is qualified to be a surgeon.
The reason for it all is ratings. This vile man’s antics bring ratings from a populace that too often would rather be entertained than informed, and the media is exploiting that fully. Trump, the grand self-promoter, guarantees the Honey Boo-Boo crowd will flock to him like flies to horse dung and Fox News, along with the right wing punditry are doing the shoveling. Who cares that a Trump nomination will likely give us a minimum of 4 years of Hillary? If he gets the nomination and somehow wins the general, even if the nation goes swirling, he’s likely to say something outrageous to some foreign dignitary or insult an ally so flagrantly, that the ratings will go through the roof! I guess it’s a matter of priorities, and the priorities of the media are corrupt.
I’m glad that there are still some conservative stalwarts out there, who refuse to play this game and are rightly sounding the alarm against Trumpism. Governor Rick Perry called it early, but I watched with disgust, as Fox News personalities treated him like an enemy of the state, in interview after interview. Voices like Erick Erickson, Glenn Beck, Brent Bozell, Mona Charen, Dana Loesch, and Bill Kristol have joined to try and speak uncompromising reason, where the Hannitys, Limbaughs, and Levins have wallowed in their acquiescence to this reality TV candidacy.
Michael Reagan, in a recent interview with OpportunityLives.com may have given the most wise and insightful word on what we’re seeing in media today:
“We’ve given too much power to talk radio. The Republican Party has allowed talk radio to define us. The Republican Party needs to itself, not rely upon talk radio to define it. They might find out talk radio isn’t always their friend” (Emphasis mine).
I can only pray that the damage of Fox News, Mark Levin, Sean Hannity, Rush Limbaugh, and others, who’ve acted as Donald Trump’s personal PR team for months now is not lasting and sanity takes hold before this primary season is over. Maybe if we all started switching off and doing our own research, rather than feed on a steady diet of self-serving media, we’ll once again find ourselves in a place where We the people choose our candidates, based on merit, not the Cult of Personality that drives news coverage, these days.
As someone who neither watches Fox News nor listens to hardly any conservative talk radio, I think there is some accuracy and some inaccuracy here. It’s a bit disturbing to find someone who doesn’t grasp that the media — right wing, left wing, unaligned, etc. — is a business dependent on advertisers, who advertise based on audience (readers, listeners, viewers, etc.) numbers.
The so-called Golden Age of Journalism is, believe it or not, not the usual historical state of journalism. Only in the last century did most newspapers confined their partisan or ideological biases to the opinion pages. The line between news and commentary has been blurred more often than those of us in journalism like to admit. For instance …
… was it appropriate for Cronkite to editorialize that the U.S. should get out of Vietnam?
Was that commentary appropriate from NBC’s Chet Huntley the night John F. Kennedy was assassinated?
Every journalist has a political point-of-view and they don’t magically check that at the door the minute they land a job. Many pretend to pursue some noble cause of pure “objectivity,” but it is truly in vain. Every good journalist is informed about what the subjects they cover and it would be near-impossible to be informed and not have an opinion.
Aside from outright disclosing a political bent (or as we do here at Mediaite, labeling an article a “column”), there are plenty of ways “objective” journalists can unwittingly reveal their biases.
Let’s say a conservative commentator spends a whole minute speaking with passion about some issue. Journalists can show their bias by writing it up in two generally different ways: “Conservative commentator ranted about xyz topic” or “conservative commentatorspoke passionately about xyz topic.” In the mind of the reader, the former could paint the conservative as a raving lunatic; the latter, an eloquent defender of ideas.
There is also the more indirect form of tipping your hand: selection bias. For example: some would say Fox News’ “hard news” hours spent way too much time harping on the Benghazi attacks over the last month; others would say MSNBC’s “hard news” programming, in addition to all the traditionally “liberal” broadcast network newscasts, outright ignored the story.
You may notice that outlets often accused of conservative bias do tend to focus more on stories that are embarrassing to the left, while dismissing or neglecting stories that could do damage to the right. The same goes for the news outlets generally assumed to be liberally biased.
That’s why we would all be better served if journalists simply disclosed their political biases and abandoned all pretense of the “objective” journalist.
I’ll start: If you read any of my posts labeled as “columns,” you might already know that I am a libertarian. I believe President Barack Obamais a terrible president; and I think Mitt Romney is just as terrible a candidate for replacement. If you read a “column” of mine and you understand libertarianism, you generally know what you are getting.
And when you read a post of mine that is intended to be “straight reporting,” you know what the writer behind the article thinks of his subjects. You can choose to nitpick for bias in my story selection, chosen verbs and adjectives, and characterizations; or you can read it and know that I did my best to be fair despite my own personal views.
Our very own Tommy Christopher and Noah Rothman catch a lot of heat from critics accusing them of “shilling” for Democrats and Republicans respectively. But you know where they stand. They’ve disclosed it on numerous occasions. If you don’t like their viewpoints, you can choose not to click. It’s that simple. And when Rothman writes a “straight” post (Christopher typically only writes columns) you can choose to read it or dismiss it knowing that there is a conservative behind the report.
That certainly applies to Hannity and Limbaugh. If you don’t like what they have to say, don’t listen to them. The superiority of the free market is proved by the fact that if enough people choose to not listen, Hannity and Limbaugh will lose their jobs.
James Wigderson spotted praise for that bulwark of conservatism, National Review, from, of all people, John Nichols:
National Review, the often-defining voice of conservatism over the past six decades, the favored publication of Ronald Reagan and of those who claim the Reagan mantle, has pulled out all the stops in the battle to avert the nomination of Donald Trump by the Republican Party.
The magazine is fighting more than an electoral battle. It is waging a serious struggle to prevent the redefinition of conservatism as Trumpism — so serious, and so clear in its intent, that the Republican National Committee has disinvited National Review from a partnership with NBC on the party’s Feb. 28 presidential debate in Houston. The magazine’s publisher responded that exclusion from the debate was a “small price to pay for speaking the truth about The Donald.”
The stakes are high, as the new issue of National Review illustrates. It’s an anti-Trump manifesto, from the “Against Trump” headline on the cover to the editorial declaration that “Trump is a philosophically unmoored political opportunist who would trash the broad conservative ideological consensus within the GOP in favor of a free-floating populism with strong-man overtones.”
To drive their point home, the editors feature articles by almost two dozen of the nation’s most prominent conservative commentators, authors and activists, arguing variations on the theme of Erick Erickson’s piece: “Don’t let Trump define conservatism in his image.”
Conservative elites do not want Trump to define conservatism. Good luck with that.
There’s a fair debate to be had about whether Trump is imposing a definition of conservatism or merely amplifying themes that have been ever more present on the right fringe of a movement that has tried too hard to adjust itself to the demands of an angry tea party faction and an absolutist House “Freedom Caucus.” There can also be a debate about whether grass-roots Republicans, churned up by years of talk-radio ranting, are as put off by Trump’s bullying tactics as conservative elites seem to imagine.
Whether the publication that has presented itself as “America’s most widely read and influential magazine and website for conservative news, commentary, and opinion” will play a part in derailing the front-runner for the nomination of the party it has so frequently influenced over so many years is open to question. The answer to that question will tell us a good deal about our evolving media and our evolving politics.
It will also tell us something about who gets to define conservatism.
The point of National Review’s intervention is to suggest that there remains a mainstream and reasonably responsible conservative tradition in American politics — and that Trump is not a part of it.
National Review has intervened with this purpose before. The magazine’s founder, William F. Buckley Jr., challenged the far-right John Birch Society and its allies in the early 1960s, and he challenged anti-Semitism and crude nationalism in the early 1990s. I spent time with Buckley in that period, talking politics and ideology. We disagreed on issues, but I was always struck by Buckley’s sense of duty to defend conservatism as a clear and coherent ideology that did not bend too far to match the politics, or the fears, of any moment. He did not mind waging a losing battle that might clarify the ideals and goals of the movement, as he did with his 1965 New York City mayoral race on the Conservative Party line, and with his magazine’s decision on the cusp of the 1972 primary season to suspend support for Richard Nixon and endorse the insurgent primary challenge by Ohio Congressman John Ashbrook to the renomination of a sitting Republican president.
Buckley liked to take stands. And he was proud to challenge false prophets of conservatism.
So it was with some amusement that I read Donald Trump’s response to National Review’s response to Donald Trump. The billionaire tweeted: “The late, great William F. Buckley would be ashamed of what had happened to his prize, the dying National Review!”
At a press conference in Las Vegas, Trump expanded on his attack: “The National Review’s a dying paper. Its circulation’s way down. Not very many people read it anymore. People don’t even think about the National Review. I guess they wanted to get a little publicity.”
Trump is wrong on so many levels.
First off, Buckley was a Trump critic in the years before the writer’s death in 2008. In 2000, when Trump was toying with a presidential run on the Reform Party ticket, Buckley warned:
“Look for the narcissist. The most obvious target in today’s lineup is, of course, Donald Trump. When he looks at a glass, he is mesmerized by its reflection. If Donald Trump were shaped a little differently, he would compete for Miss America. But whatever the depths of self-enchantment, the demagogue has to say something. So what does Trump say? That he is a successful businessman and that that is what America needs in the Oval Office. There is some plausibility in this, though not much. The greatest deeds of American presidents — midwifing the new republic; freeing the slaves; harnessing the energies and vision needed to win the Cold War — had little to do with a bottom line.”
Second, National Review has maintained credible print circulation numbers (around 150,000 currently), and it has adapted with notable success to the digital age.
Third, National Review is a magazine, not the “paper” Donald Trump derides with his casual fallacy.
I’ve heard Nichols talk, and I’ve dueled with him on Wisconsin Public Radio. You will not be surprised to read that John and I don’t agree on much. However, I’ve never heard Nichols say that opinions different from his don’t deserve a public airing. In fact, the conservative movement would be better off engaging people with views like Nichols’ views instead of retreating into the right-wing cocoon.
Unless you’re a collectivist and communist (see Sanders, Bernie), or you have first world guilt (see your favorite environmentalist), nearly everyone should be able to agree that more economic growth is needed.
The $19 trillion question (equaling the new level of our national debt — heck of a job, Barack) is how to do that.
Woodrow Wilson, who enjoyed moralizing about the mundane, called paying taxes a “glorious privilege.” In 1865, when there was a Civil War income tax, one taxpayer shared this sensibility, sort of. Mark Twain said that his tax bill of $36.82 (including a $3.12 fine for filing late) made him feel “important” because the government was paying attention to him. Today, Rep. Kevin Brady wants to change the way government pays attention to taxpayers.
Congress is like a Calder mobile: Something jiggled here causes things to wiggle over there. When conservatives toppled House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio), they inadvertently propelled Brady into the House’s most important chairmanship, that of the Ways and Means Committee. Because revenue bills must originate in the House, Brady now wields Congress’s most important gavel, all because the committee’s previous chairman, Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), now sits in Boehner’s chair.
If there is going to be growth-igniting tax reform — and if there isn’t, American politics will sink deeper into distributional strife — Brady will begin it. Fortunately, the Houston congressman is focused on this simple arithmetic: Three percent growth is not 1 percent better than 2 percent growth, it is 50 percent better.
If the Obama era’s average annual growth of 2.2 percent becomes the “new normal,” over the next 50 years real gross domestic product will grow from today’s $16.3 trillion (in 2009 dollars) to $48.3 trillion. If, however, growth averages 3.2 percent, real GDP in 2065 will be $78.6 trillion. At 2.2 percent growth, the cumulative lost wealth would be $521 trillion.
Brady, however, would like to start with the approximately $2 trillion that U.S. corporations have parked overseas. Having already paid taxes on it where it was earned, the corporations sensibly resist having it taxed again by the United States’ corporate tax, the highest in the industrial world. “[The $2 trillion] won’t just naturally fly back to us,” Brady says. Measures should be taken to make it rational for corporations to bring money home. And to make it rational for corporations such as Pfizer, which recently moved its headquarters to Ireland for tax purposes, to remain here.
Or, more recently, Johnson Controls, whose merger into Tyco International will have its headquarters on the Emerald Isle as well.
In the past 30 years, Brady says, more and more taxes have been paid by fewer and fewer people. And fewer and fewer businesses have been organized as corporations: Three-quarters of job-creating entities are not paying corporate taxes.
“You can’t,” Brady says, “ask people to make big changes, leapfrogging our global competitors, just to get to average.” But making big changes “is why we all came to Congress.” And the benefit that comes from something unfortunate — the fact that there are so few (perhaps fewer than 40) competitive House seats — is that members can take risks. Presidential engagement is necessary for tax reform, and Brady says that will require a new president who understands that “just a little respect goes a long way up here [on Capitol Hill].”
Which takes Sanders and Hillary Clinton off the list, as well as …
All Republican presidential candidates have tax reform proposals, but only one candidate proposes increasing the cost of government for every American. Here, at last, Donald Trump actually resembles a Republican. Unfortunately, it is a Republican from 125 years ago, when the party stood for big government serving crony capitalism with high tariffs.
As Steven R. Weisman demonstrates in his splendid history of American taxation, The Great Tax Wars, the GOP’s tariffs were indirect, hidden sales taxes that crimped consumption by Americans with small incomes. In 1913, the first year of Wilson’s presidency and the year the 16th Amendment and the income tax arrived, the glorious privilege of paying taxes was enjoyed primarily through tariffs: They provided nearly half of federal revenues, with most of the rest coming from tobacco and liquor taxes, which also were hardest on people of modest means.
Trump, who works himself into a lather because Nabisco is making some Oreo cookies outside the country, is obsessed with the United States’ trade with China. “We’re going to get Apple to start building their damn computers and things in this country,” he says, aiming to raise the price Americans pay for Apple products that today are assembled in China, which, according to trade attorney Scott Lincicome, makes about $6 by assembling an iPhone from parts (many of which China has imported).
Trump favors a 45 percent tariff to protect customers of Walmart and similar retailers from the onslaught of inexpensive Chinese apparel, appliances and food. He can explain the glorious privilege of paying taxes-as-tariffs when he makes his next visit to a Walmart, perhaps the one in Secaucus, N.J., just seven miles from his Fifth Avenue penthouse.
Economic growth you can actually notice, driven by the private sector and not government (how’s that stimulus working for you?) is imperative now because of what the cheerfully named Economic Collapse Blog reports:
We have not seen global economic activity fall off this rapidly since the great recession of 2008. Manufacturing activity is imploding all over the planet, global trade is slowing down at a pace that is extremely alarming, and the Baltic Dry Index just hit another brand new all-time record low. If the “real economy” consists of people making, selling and shipping stuff, then it is in incredibly bad shape.
Today in 1959, one night after their concert at the Surf Ballroom in Clear Lake, Iowa, Buddy Holly, Richie Valens and J.P. “The Big Bopper” Richardson got on a Beechcraft Bonanza in Mason City, Iowa, to fly to Fargo, N.D., for a concert in Moorhead, Minn.
The trio, along with Dion and the Belmonts, were part of the Winter Dance Party Tour, a 24-city tour over three weeks, with its ridiculously scheduled tour dates connected by bus.
Said bus, whose heater broke early in the tour, froze in below-zero temperatures two nights earlier between the scheduled concert in the Duluth, Minn., National Guard Armory, and the next scheduled location, the Riverside Ballroom in Green Bay.
Holly’s drummer had to be hospitalized with frostbite in his feet, and Valens also became ill. The tour got to Green Bay, but its scheduled concert in Appleton that evening was canceled.
After the concert in Clear Lake, Holly decided to rent an airplane. Holly’s bass player, Waylon Jennings, gave his seat to the Big Bopper because he was sick, and Valens won a coin flip with Holly’s guitarist, Tommy Allsup. Dion DiMucci chose not to take a seat because the $36 cost equaled his parents’ monthly rent.
As he was leaving, Holly told Jennings, “I hope your ol’ bus freezes up,” to which Jennings replied, “Well, I hope your ol’ plane crashes!”
Shortly after the 12:55 a.m. takeoff, the plane crashed, instantly killing Holly, Valens, the Big Bopper and the pilot.
The scheduled concert that evening went on, with organizers recruiting a 15-year-old, Robert Velline, and his band the Shadows. Bobby Vee went on to have a good career.