• Presty the DJ for June 30

    June 30, 2023
    Music

    Here’s an odd anniversary: Four days after Cher divorced Sonny Bono, she married Gregg Allman. Come back to this blog in nine days to find out what happened next.

    Birthdays start with Florence Ballard of the Supremes …

    (more…)

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  • Bidenomics, Bidenflation and Biden ’24

    June 29, 2023
    US politics

    Greg Ip opined Wednesday:

    President Biden kicks off a national campaign Wednesday pitching his economic record to a deeply skeptical public.

    The challenge: Biden really has two economic records. One of them begins in late 2021 and consists of a series of legislative wins on infrastructure, semiconductor production and renewable energy, which he then preserved in a debt-ceiling deal with Republicans. These policies could shape the economy for years to come.

    That record, though, is overshadowed by the record of his first months in office, when his American Rescue Plan pumped $1.9 trillion of demand into a supply-constrained economy. The result was the tightest job market in memory and a surge in inflation that still hangs over Biden’s approval ratings and his prospects for re-election.

    In his speech in Chicago on Wednesday, Biden isn’t likely to distinguish between these two records: It’s all “Bidenomics,” a vision intended to “grow the middle class” and build stuff such as roads and factories. This doesn’t tell us much about what distinguishes Biden from other presidents, though. Don’t they all claim to want a stronger middle class and more roads and factories?

    His early agenda was also not particularly novel. The Rescue Plan was old-fashioned Keynesian demand stimulus, notable mostly for its sheer size. Biden’s staff designed it with the economy of 2009 in mind, when newly elected President Barack Obama and Biden, his vice president, faced a deep recession to be followed by a sluggish, yearslong recovery.

    Biden’s team is still sticking to that narrative. In a memo released this week, his political strategists Anita Dunn and Mike Donilon write that Biden “faced an immediate economic crisis when he took office.”

    Actually, he didn’t. By January 2021, the economic crisis brought on by Covid-19 was largely over, even if the health crisis wasn’t. As lockdowns were lifted and vaccines approved, businesses were furiously rehiring. Payroll growth averaged 800,000 a month over the last six months of 2020, in percentage terms the strongest such streak preceding a new president’s inauguration since 1952.

    The American Rescue Plan, in other words, was designed to bolster demand in an economy that already had plenty.

    Dunn and Donilon’s memo boasts that job creation under Biden has been the strongest of any president going back at least to Ronald Reagan.

    Much of that reflected recovery from the pandemic, which would have happened under any president. Still, the Rescue Plan probably explains why the U.S. recovery has been stronger than in countries with less stimulus. With the labor force depressed by retirements, the virus and reduced immigration, the result was the tightest labor market in memory. That particularly benefited historically disadvantaged groups: Blacks, Hispanics and workers without college degrees.

    But many of the benefits of that tight labor market have been negated by inflation. It soared from 2% just before the pandemic to a peak of 9.1% last year as gasoline prices leapt in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. It has since retreated to 4% as gasoline prices dropped, but underlying inflation persists around 4% to 5%.

    Inflation is the main reason voters disapprove of Biden’s handling of the economy by a two-to-one ratio, according to a May poll by the Associated Press and NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. If inflation doesn’t fade of its own accord, the Federal Reserve might have to raise interest rates further and push the economy into recession, which won’t help Biden’s approval ratings.

    Historically, voters haven’t punished presidents for economic hardship brought on by events beyond their control. George W. Bush’s approval rose after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks brought on recession, as did Donald Trump’s when Covid first hit in 2020. Since inflation has risen in almost every advanced country since the pandemic, Biden could logically claim it wasn’t his fault.

    But it’s logically inconsistent for Biden to disown inflation while taking credit for tight labor markets since they are mirror images of the same thing: an overheated economy. While economists debate how much stimulus contributed to this overheating, they agree it played a part. Voters are thus less inclined to give Biden a pass, especially since Republicans, and even some Democrats, keep reminding them of the connection.

    If Biden’s early agenda was all about macroeconomics—unemployment and inflation—his subsequent agenda has been about microeconomics, i.e., the composition of economic growth. Trump’s frequent “infrastructure weeks” never actually led to new infrastructure. Biden, by contrast, got a massive infrastructure bill through Congress in 2021 and it went beyond roads to water treatment and high-speed internet. The Chips and Science Act last year was the largest federal commitment to industrial policy in recent history. The Inflation Reduction Act offered game-changing incentives for renewable energy and electric vehicles.

    In a report Tuesday, the Treasury Department said those initiatives are making an imprint on the economic data. Factory construction, for example, has shot up, particularly for electronics. Not all of this is due to legislation: Semiconductor companies were increasing their U.S. footprint already in response to growing demand and pressure to diversify away from Asia. Nonetheless, comments of business leaders make it clear the effect on their plans is palpable.

    This newly assertive role for the federal government in shaping private investment isn’t without controversy. It is bulking up deficits, its “buy American” provisions have upset allies, and it has lowered the bar to interventions of questionable merit.

    Nor is it likely to change Biden’s political prospects: The effects on voters’ lives are small and gradual, whereas the effects of inflation and unemployment are big and immediate.

    Still, this part of Bidenomics represents a break with the past in ways stimulus didn’t. It is also popular: All three laws are backed by voters by large margins, according to polls by Morning Consult, and the infrastructure and semiconductor bills garnered Republican support in Congress. This likely confers staying power long beyond the next election, when inflation has faded from the headlines.

    In an interview, Jared Bernstein, chair of Biden’s Council of Economic Advisers, said: “When you’re engaged in an investment agenda, you’re partly playing the long game.”

    Jeff Mordock adds:

    President Biden is taking a page out of former President Jimmy Carter’s playbook by doubling down on policies that have resulted in soaring inflation.

    Mr. Biden appeared in Chicago on Wednesday to argue that Bidenomics — taxing the wealthy and spending massively to subsidize industries and on what he calls the danger of climate change — has spurred an American economic resurgence.

    He told the crowd more government programs canceling student loans and bringing high-speed internet to rural communities will lead to a revitalized middle class.

    “We have a plan that’s turning things around incredibly quickly,” Mr. Biden said.

    “Bidenomics is turning this around. We are supporting targeted investments for strengthening America’s economic security, our national security, energy security and our climate security.”

    Boasting about the economy while many Americans are struggling with high inflation, interest rates that make buying a house or car more expensive and increased spending on household items like groceries, gas and child care may seem like an unusual campaign strategy. But as Mr. Biden tries to convince Americans he deserves four more years in 2024, his campaign is digging in its heels that Bidenomics is working.

    Wednesday’s event was part of a three-week blitz of events and speeches to tout Mr. Biden’s economic agenda. On Friday, he will give remarks from the White House arguing that he has lowered costs for Americans.

    He is not the first president to attempt this strategy, but he’s hoping for a more successful result than when Mr. Carter tried it in 1979.

    Like Mr. Biden, Mr. Carter struggled to contain soaring prices. He also tried to argue that his economic policies were working ahead of his blowout loss to Ronald Reagan in the 1980 election.

    “Biden is taking a page from Jimmy Carter because he doesn’t believe Jimmy Carter failed,” historian Craig Shirley said. “If Biden believes Jimmy Carter failed at anything, it’s that he didn’t go far enough with spending.”

    Under Mr. Carter, U.S. inflation rose by an average of more than 11% in 1979 and 14% in 1980. When Mr. Biden took office, inflation was at 1.4% and peaked at 9.1% in June 2021, a figure not seen in more than 40 years. It receded to 5% in December 2021 and is currently at 5.6%.

    The Consumer Price Index rose from 4.8% at the time of Mr. Carter’s victory in 1976 to 12% ahead of the 1980 election, largely fueled by high gas prices.

    Yet Mr. Carter still tried to convince voters his policies were working.

    “Our proposals are very sound and very carefully considered to stimulate jobs, improve the industrial complex of this country, to create tools for American workers and at the same time be anti-inflationary in nature,” Mr. Carter said at the second 1980 presidential debate, pledging that his policies would create 9 million jobs.

    An Associated Press NORC Center for Public Affairs poll released Wednesday revealed that 64% of adults disapproved of Mr. Biden’s economic leadership. That’s worse than his overall 58% disapproval rating.

    With only 34% of voters approving of Mr. Biden’s handling of the economy, that gives the president a net approval rating of negative 30

    That is the lowest net economic approval rating since 1978, when Mr. Carter had a net approval rating of negative 28%.

    Are voters stupid enough to buy Biden? They did once already.

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  • Presty the DJ for June 29

    June 29, 2023
    Music

    There was a definite horn rock theme today in 1968, as proven by number seven …

    … six …

    … two …

    … and one on the charts:

    Today in 1971, Mick Jagger and Keith Richards were sentenced on drug charges. And, of course, you could replace “1971” with any year and Jagger’ and Richards’ names with practically any rock musician’s name of those days.

    Or other people: Today in 2000, Eminem’s mother sued her son for defamation from the line “My mother smokes more dope than I do” from his “My Name Is.”

    Birthdays start with LeRoy Anderson, whose first work was the theme music for many afternoon movies, but who is best known for his second work (with which I point out that Christmas is less than six months away):

    (more…)

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  • Money and status for me and not for thee

    June 28, 2023
    US politics

    Jim Geraghty:

    Barack Obama, in a recent interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, said:

    It’s very hard to sustain a democracy when you have such massive concentrations of wealth. And so, part of my argument has been that unless we attend to that, unless we make people feel more economically secure and we’re taking more seriously the need to create ladders of opportunity and a stronger safety net that’s adapted to these new technologies and the displacements that are taking place around the world, if we don’t take care of that, that’s also going to fuel the kind of mostly far-right populism, but it can also potentially come from the left, that is undermining democracy because it makes people angry and resentful and scared.

    The obvious criticism of Obama here is that he and his wife are walking, talking, “massive concentrations of wealth.”

    Obama and his wife signed the largest book deal in history, $65 million, for their memoirs. The Obamas signed a separate production deal with Netflix worth an estimated $50 million. The Obamas’ production company, Higher Ground, signed a $25 million deal with Spotify that lasted three years. Barack Obama reportedly makes as much as $400,000 per speech, but reportedly made almost $600,000 for speaking at a conference in Colombia. Michelle Obama makes $200,000 per appearance.

    The Obamas rent a mansion in Kalorama (a neighborhood in Washington, D.C.); bought a mansion and estate in Martha’s Vineyard, Mass.; bought another house in Rancho Mirage, Calif.; and still have their old home in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago.

    In April 2010, then-president Obama declared, “At a certain point, you’ve made enough money.” Apparently, Obama hasn’t reached that point yet.

    But it’s not just that Obama is objecting to the concentration of wealth while becoming fabulously wealthy himself. It’s that Obama’s assessment of what is driving modern American populism is likely quite wrong. He’s attempting to shoehorn a cliched left-wing progressive complaint about America to fit as an explanation for the current popularity of right-wing populism.

    Perhaps some American populists on the Left are driven by an objection to massive concentrations of wealth. But right-wing populists in the United States adore a man who lives in a mansion in Mar-a-Lago and who brags about how wealthy he is. American populists may well sneer about the out-of-touch wealthy elites rigging the system, but they largely nodded when Trump named Steven Mnuchin as Secretary of the Treasury, Wilbur Ross as Secretary of Commerce, and Betsy DeVos as Secretary of Education. Trump’s cabinet featured 17 millionaires, two centimillionaires, and one billionaire.

    Tucker Carlson made $20 million per year at Fox News, and few populists on the right saw that as any kind of problem. Populists have little objection to anybody being super rich, as long as those rich people tell them what they want to hear. And what populists particularly love hearing is that they’re being dissed.

    Keep in mind, most Trump supporters aren’t poor, or even necessarily on the bottom half of the nation’s income scale. In the 2016 Republican primaries, Trump voters’ median income exceeded the overall statewide median, sometimes narrowly but sometimes substantially. In the general election, like the primary, “About two thirds of Trump supporters came from the better-off half of the economy.” Further analysis found “support for Trump was strongest among the locally rich — that is, white voters with incomes that are high for their area, though not necessarily for the country as a whole.” Polling in 2020 found that the higher a person’s income, the more likely they were to say the economy would improve more in a second term of Trump than under Joe Biden. In the 2020 election, Trump did better among voters making more than $50,000 per year than he did among voters making less than $50,000 per year.

    (I should pause to remind readers that back in 2016, Michael Brendan Dougherty pointed out the limitations of measuring a person’s wealth by self-reported income level, without taking the local cost of living into account. The average household income in Staten Island is $113,335, but that doesn’t make it a particularly high-status place to live by the standards of New York City.)

    So why is Obama looking at MAGA America and concluding that what truly drives its members is “massive concentrations of wealth” and economic insecurity? Because Obama’s assessment of Americans in flyover country hasn’t changed much since 2008, when he declared:

    You go into these small towns in Pennsylvania and, like a lot of small towns in the Midwest, the jobs have been gone now for 25 years and nothing’s replaced them. And they fell through the Clinton administration, and the Bush administration, and each successive administration has said that somehow these communities are gonna regenerate and they have not. And it’s not surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy toward people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.

    Obama has his explanation for why many religious, gun-owning, and working-class Americans have their views, and he’s not interested in updating or revising his assessment. Inherent but unspoken in his conclusion is that his own presidency didn’t do much to change the conditions of these voters, leading them to vote for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton.

    I would argue that America’s right-of-center populists aren’t all that driven by resentment or a lack of opportunity (more on this below). They’re often most driven by a perceived lack of respect.

    They didn’t go to the right schools, they don’t work in professions that are glamorous or celebrated, their religious faith is mocked and derided, and Hollywood portrays them as a bunch of ignorant hicks. Many of them live in “flyover country,” which is seen as culturally backwards, easily and justifiably ignored. They work for a living and do not benefit from affirmative action, but they’re told that they have it easy because of “white privilege.” A lot of government officials treat their constitutionally protected ownership of a gun as a major problem to be solved, but shrug their shoulders at the insecure border and illegal immigration. Lots of Americans see a criminal-justice system that comes down like a ton of bricks on pro-life protesters while prominent big-city district attorneys declare they won’t prosecute whole classes of crimes.

    The Obama team openly spoke about how its voters were a “coalition of the ascendant” — minorities, the millennial generation, and socially liberal upscale whites, especially women. This term means there must be a corresponding “coalition of the descendant” — whites, older Americans, social conservatives, married couples, and men. No one likes hearing that they’re outdated, sinking, or losing importance or relevance. Run around boasting that you don’t need certain demographics of voters long enough, and those demographics will conclude that they don’t need you, either.

    The old Arkansas “Bubba,” Bill Clinton, put his finger on it during the 2016 primary while campaigning for his wife. “Why is it such a wacky election? Because millions and millions and millions and millions of people look at that pretty picture of America [Obama] painted and they cannot find themselves in it to save their lives.” America’s populists felt themselves being cropped out of the elites’ portrait of the country. Physically, they stayed where they were, but culturally, they felt like they were being deported from the mainstream of American society.

    This isn’t to say that populists don’t have any economic concerns. Trump was and is a protectionist on trade, although it’s easy to forget because he almost never talks about it anymore. Biden’s trade policies aren’t that different from Trump’s, and populists generally hate Biden and adore Trump, which suggests that their views are not based upon a detailed assessment of trade policies.

    Populists love being told that the system is rigged. Because the more reasons they get to believe that the system is rigged, the less they must contemplate the possibility that the disappointments in their lives are the consequences of their own actions and decisions. Populists rarely want an explanation that involves taking responsibility for their own lives; they often want a scapegoat.

    As for Obama’s call for “creating ladders of opportunity,” the U.S. has roughly 10 million unfilled jobs right now — down some from the record 12 million in March 2022, but still exceptionally high by historical standards. You still see “help wanted” signs in a lot of store windows, and some businesses are still asking customers to be patient because they’re understaffed. Almost every truck I passed on Interstate 95 driving up from South Carolina this weekend had a sign declaring the company was hiring licensed drivers. (One mind-boggling figure: “The average trucking company has a turnover rate of roughly 95 percent, meaning that it must replace nearly all of its work force in the course of a year.”)

    America has ladders of opportunity — but it has solid and sturdy ladders for those who are born with certain advantages, and rickety and unstable ones for those who have made certain mistakes earlier in life or who are beset by particularly thorny problems. (And if you’re a son of a senator, there’s an escalator.)

    Our education system certainly doesn’t give every child an equal chance to thrive. If you’re lucky enough to live in a good school district with good teachers, you start life on the right track. If not, you’re on your own, kid. And more kids are falling through the cracks. Instead of test scores bouncing back from the pandemic, the most recent national test scores show “the single largest drop in math in 50 years and no signs of academic recovery following the disruptions of the pandemic.”

    Few things can screw up your life faster, or leave you with more long-term problems, than addiction. Earlier this year, a Department of Health and Human Services survey calculated that 46.3 million Americans aged twelve or older met the criteria for having a substance-use disorder in the year 2021. Stunningly, 94 percent of the people aged twelve or older with a substance-use disorder said they did not receive any treatment for their addictions.

    If you’ve done something stupid and committed a crime early in life, it’s tough to get hired. And these problems intertwine; an estimated 65 percent of the U.S. prison population has a substance-abuse disorder. Another 20 percent did not meet the official criteria for a substance-abuse disorder, but were under the influence of drugs or alcohol at the time of their crime. And the numbers are similar for teenagers: “Four out of every five juvenile offenders are under the influence while committing their crimes, test positive for drugs, admit having substance problems, are arrested for committing an alcohol or drug offense, or they exhibit some combination of these characteristics.”

    Some teens get caught shoplifting and get a call to their parents and get scared straight. Others get arrested, charged with larceny, and start life with a criminal record. Two-thirds of colleges perform criminal-background checks on applicants, and 38 percent have said that a conviction does not automatically disqualify an applicant.

    The people at the bottom of American life — not just in terms of income or wealth, but in terms of support networks and social capital and stable families — just have so little room for error, and the lasting consequences of their bad decisions are so much worse.

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  • The pursuit of happiness and the presidency

    June 28, 2023
    US politics

    Erick Erickson has an appropriate thought as we near Independence Day:

    I’ve been thinking about this topic for a while and finally got motivated to write about it when I saw this tweet from Nate Silver. He tweets, “Kind of amazed how well the ‘Did You Possibly Feel A Small Pang of Joy? Here’s A Reason To Stay Miserable’ genre continues to do, though it was a pandemic thing but still going strong.” He highlights three stories: one against those rooting for orcas; one denouncing traveling from home; and one against using ice in cocktails because of climate change.

    As Sonny Bunch notes, there is a reason environmentalists are so often the bad guys in movies. Thanos wanted to save the universe by killing half of humanity. In the Godzilla movies, the bad guys are environmentalists who want to unleash monsters to kill humanity and save the planet. In Aquaman, the bad guy thinks humans are destroying the earth. Go back to the Kingsmen movie and Samuel L. Jackson played a crazy environmentalist who wanted to wipe out the poor, unenlightened non-celebrity.

    In real life, 60 Minutes has tried rehabilitating Paul Ehrlich, a Malthusian, in just the past year. New York City wants to regulate coal and wood-fired ovens out of existence. The feds want to take away gas stoves. Together with corporations, they want to ban the family road trip by forcing us into electric vehicles. More and more corporations push us to pay a small fee for climate offsets. They’re even pushing the trans agenda as a back door way to sterilize kids to prevent Paul Ehrlich’s population bomb.

    Add into that the reaction to Noah Rothman’s piece at National Review on “The War on Things That Work.” You might have thought Rothman has carved up a sea turtle with plastic utensils. Leftists heaped scorn and disgust on him for making a very straightforward point:

    By itself, an electric range, a heat pump, an ugly LED bulb, or a paper straw is a minor irritation. In a mandated aggregate, they look like a society-wide assault on the dignity of personal choice. Activists, like-minded bureaucrats, and their allies in elected office are, in the name of climate change, waging war against products and conventions that make everyday life work. For the targets of their hostility, they would substitute alternatives that either perform less effectively or demand more of your time and money. And you’re expected to bear this burden indefinitely. Or at least until you communicate your displeasure in no uncertain terms at the ballot box.

    Rothman is absolutely right, and the left got angry at him for pointing it out.

    These people are miserable and want you to be miserable. They cannot laugh. They have no sense of humor. They have chosen misery, lab-grown meat, and veganism. They have turned their backs on the ultimate plant-based food — cow, charred on a wood-burning flame — in favor of white guilt and childlessness.

    That’s going to be on the ballot in 2024. Americans who can laugh at things have a way to break through. Most Americans, I think, are getting resentful of the bitter malcontents always lecturing us and sucking the joy out of life like Dementors from Harry Potter.

    This is why I don’t discount Tim Scott, who always has a smile and laughs at these absurdities with an upbeat, positive message about America. It’s why I think Mike Pence, who believes in the greatness of the country, has an opportunity to carry a message forward. Haley, DeSantis, and all of them really can use the left’s misery and madness to rally Americans against it.

    The left is dominant in cultural institutions. They don’t care for the country. They think your skin color defines your lot in life. Just look at the Yale-graduated New York Times editorial assistant who wrote that believing hard work can propel you forward in society just props up white supremacy. They are a loud minority who should be mocked, laughed at, and repudiated.

    The GOP should put happiness on the ballot in 2024. Run against the misery of the Dementors who suck joy out of life, would deprive you of smoked meats and Neapolitan pizzas, and want to force you to stay home and masked.

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  • Presty the DJ for June 28

    June 28, 2023
    Music

    Today in 1975, David Bowie found “Fame”:

    Today in 1978, the UN named Kansas ambassadors of goodwill:

    Two birthdays today are from the same group: Drummer Bobby Harrison was born two years before bassist Dave Knights of Procol Harum:

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  • In each other we don’t trust

    June 27, 2023
    Culture, US politics

    William Otis:

    Commentary magazine has a depressingly thought-provoking article out. I’m going to quote a good deal of it and add some observations of my own, observations from my career as a litigating lawyer and, since then, from what I see around me every day. In a nutshell, what I saw as a lawyer and what I see now is a staggering amount of dishonesty and an even more staggering nonchalant acceptance of it. It’s in every nook-and-cranny of the culture — business, media, politics, academia, you name it.

    Can a society that has become this saturated in deceit survive?

    Here’s how the Commentary article begins:

    So-called shock polls seldom shock. But in April, the Pew Research Center conducted a survey of U.S. adults and found something [that did]. Fifty-eight percent of Americans said that life, “for people like them,” was better 50 years ago than it is today.

    Fifty years ago was 1973. Now consider the apparently untroubled idyll of 1973 America. The Paris Peace Accords rendered the Vietnam War, in which more than 50,000 Americans had already died fighting Communism, officially lost (but not entirely over). OPEC nations imposed an oil embargo on the United States, sending fuel prices skyward, [creating gas shortages and gas lines everywhere], and contributing to the onset of a recession. All the while, Watergate was galloping along, with regularly televised Senate hearings and the appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate the alleged misconduct of a sitting president. And American cities were awash in record lawlessness, with violent crime having shot up 126 percent between 1960 to 1970 and set to increase another 64 percent by 1980.

    Yes, the good old days weren’t that good. To some of us, they’re not that old, either.

    We have no shortage of conflicts and challenges in 2023. But is life in the United States worse than in 1973? Item by item, no….American troops aren’t fighting in a foreign war; Ukrainians are…The 1973 oil shock was the largest in history. In 2023, oil prices are down almost 11 percent from a year earlier. Whatever unsavory business dealings may be swirling around the Biden family, the president is not facing resignation or removal because of them. And while the crime rate has risen significantly in the past few years, the crime spike of the immediate postwar decades makes our age look paradisiacal.

    The year 1973, much like the years surrounding it, was hell; 2023 just feels like it.

    Until I saw the Pew poll, I thought I might be alone in feeling so grim about the direction of the country — in thinking that the foundations of American life are more genuinely at risk now than they were in 50 years ago, notwithstanding that the objective metrics seem to say otherwise. But I’m not alone, not by a long shot. A big majority has the same uneasy sense.

    The question is why. What exactly is so bad about the United States today? We must ask because, despite the itemized comparison, something does seem frightfully, and peculiarly, wrong with present-day America. Not just wrong, but disorienting.

    Indeed, worse than disorienting. It feels like something deeply reassuring about the country, something critical that we all took for granted, has disappeared.

    Donald Trump, the former president and current frontrunner for the Republican nomination, faces 37 federal charges…[a]nd the public is split between those who want to put Trump in jail and those who want to jail Joe Biden for orchestrating Trump’s indictment. So, again we must ask: What’s wrong with us?

    There are many popular answers: We’re more and more politically divided. We’re more ideologically extreme than we’ve ever been. At the same time, we’re losing our attachment to the traditional American values of God, family, and country. We’ve become too isolated. And so on.

    These are all more or less true. But they are only pieces of a puzzle. To solve it, we need a sense of the composite image that we’re aiming for. And there is, in fact, a greater national affliction that runs through these partial explanations and connects them to a still wider range of current misfortunes: American society is losing its capacity to trust.

    Here the author, Abe Greenwald, is very much onto something. But he’s just slightly off target, I think: It’s not that we’ve lost our capacity to trust. It’s that so much in our culture has become untrustworthy. Dishonest, in a word. And that very few opinion leaders even take note of it, much less sound the alarm.

    Not that dishonesty is new. I get that. When I signed on to my first job (at the Justice Department) 50 years ago, the thing that most surprised me was how aggressively misleading private lawyers were in presenting arguments to, of all things, the Supreme Court.

    You would think that presenting your case to the High Court would call forth an extra measure of probity. You would think wrong. I soon got “educated” that lawyers (not all of them but way more than a few) passed off tendentious exaggeration and misleading omissions as “advocacy, “ — hey, look, they’re trying to put my client in a cage — and with that label, expected to get away with, and virtually always did get away with, a degree of disingenuity that, as a ten year-old, would have got me sent to my room for a week.

    At first I thought it was just the criminal defense bar, but then experience wised me up. It’s not just the criminal defense bar nor even the bar generally. Sleaze is at its worst in criminal defense, true, but the license with truthfulness found there takes root in a far broader, and now culture-wide, acceptance of deceit. Indeed, by 2009, the time the Court heard a case involving the numerous slippery (but, so the Court would hold, not illegal) business practices of Lord Conrad Black, I was forced to observe:

    The Black case opens a window on our culture of dishonesty. Understandably seldom said out loud, the truth is that staggering amounts of misleading, deceptive and sleazy behavior, both public and private, are increasingly prevalent in this country and increasingly accepted. It didn’t start with, “I did not have sex with that woman, Ms. Lewinsky,” and it hasn’t ended there. It’s everywhere from WorldCom to “teaser” rates to liar loans to fly-by-night disaster “charities” to the razzle-dazzle microscopic fine print setting out the 89 exceptions in your car repair warranty. Your e-mail is bulging with offers ranging from half-truth come-on’s to outright swindles.  You can’t watch TV for 20 minutes without hearing some miraculous offer to “fix” your credit, all followed up by some fellow who races through the real terms in a voice so fast and low no human ear could understand it. On the nightly news a half hour later, the President of the United States [then Barack Obama] tells you in earnest tones that we can provide health care to 30,000,000 people at no additional cost — or, if a cost oddly appears, one that will be paid by squeezing previously undiscovered “waste, fraud and abuse” out of an already near-bankrupt Medicare system.  Slick talk and slick dealing — with the not infrequent outright whopper — have found their way to every corner of our culture.

    We saw in the banking crisis of 2007 – 2009 the broad and painful toll rampant dishonesty can exact. There, it was almost universal lying on mortgate applications passed on by even more rampant lying in the banks’s secondary mortgage market. More such crises and more such pain are coming in a society that still treats the march of deceit as the mostly harmless outcropping of a boys-just-want-to-have-fun culture, and any consternation or pushback as so much tiresome Puritanical nagging.

    Without honesty, we can’t have trust. And without trust, we are in deep, deep trouble. As Abraham observes:

    Trust is the key ingredient in what’s known as “social capital,” which we can define as the benefits accrued by people in social networks. And these benefits are plentiful. High-trust societies are characterized by increased wealth, less crime and corruption, and greater transparency. Low-trust societies are associated with impaired economies, higher crime and corruption, and ill-defined norms.

    And there’s this: A free country without trust cannot long survive as a free country. Trust undergirds our social contract and thwarts the authoritarian tendencies of government. Loss of public trust, on the other hand, create opportunities for state intervention. It’s when we can no longer enter into profitable relationships in good faith that the regulators, rule-makers, and enforcers come calling.

    We’re not Colombia or Peru, where fewer than 10 percent of the population believes that “most people can be trusted.” But we’re sliding in the wrong direction.

    The wrong direction being, as the article notes, that in 1973, 47 percent of Americans believed that most Americans could be trusted. Today, it’s down to 32 percent.

    Earned distrust — because of dishonesty — is everywhere in our politics (much of Ringside is about it in one way or another), but even more annoying and ubiquitous, and in a much more corrosive way, in our daily life.

    In fact, [distrust is] mostly atmospheric, weaving through the headlines and trends that make up our days. What, for example, is the obsession with cryptocurrency if not a declaration of distrust in our traditional monetary system? What about the rise in homeschooling—still up some 30 percent since 2019? Or the growing anti-work movement, which preaches that the employer-employee relationship is a big swindle? And for those who do go to work, there’s mandatory Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) training, because you can’t be trusted to act like a decent human being. Nor are you to be trusted at the drug store, which is why the toothpaste you want is under lock and key…And public fact-checking is now its own celebrated branch of journalism.

    Distrust to this gargantuan extent is horribly destructive, but not as destructive as the vice that ineluctably creates it. Until honesty returns to public and private life, this is how it’s going to be.

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  • Presty the DJ for June 27

    June 27, 2023
    Music

    For some reason,  the Beatles’ “Sie Liebt Dich” got only to number 97 on the German charts:

    The English translation did much better, yeah, yeah, yeah:

    Today in 1968, Elvis Presley started taping his comeback special:

    Today in 1989, The Who performed its rock opera “Tommy” at Radio City Music Hall in New York, their first complete performance of “Tommy” since 1972:

    This would have never happened in the People’s Republic of Madison, but … in Milwaukee today in 1993, Don Henley dedicated “It’s Not Easy Being Green” to President Bill Clinton … and got booed.

    (more…)

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  • How Trump may get (re)elected, like it or not

    June 26, 2023
    US politics

    Michael Smith:

    Here’s where I struggle with 2024.

    I’ll be as honest about it as I can. Some of this will resonate with people, some it will make angry, but I can’t be the only person in America who feels that way – and before you read past this opening paragraph, this is NOT an attack on President Trump, at least not the president he was up until a few months before the 2020 election.

    First, a little background.

    It seems clear to me that we are locked into a cycle of mutually assured destruction in our presidential election cycles that began with Bush v. Gore in 2000.

    Sure, I am partisan, but it is not at all unclear who fired the first shot in this cycle. The media calling Florida before the polls closed in majority conservative panhandle of Florida when the outcome was trending toward razor thin, the selective recounts in heavily Democrat counties and none anywhere else, the ridiculously ambiguous standards (remember the “pregnant chads” and “discerning the intent of the voter”), and the ensuing lawsuits filed by the Gore campaign cement the Democrats as the aggressors.

    With the war weariness of the final Bush term, people wanted something different and boy howdy, was Obama different. Accusations of racism had been a feature of presidential elections since 1964 when Barry Goldwater was tagged as a racist by the Democrat media, but with two white guys running every year, it didn’t get much traction. The 2008 election changed all that. With a multiracial man on one side and a WASPy honky on the other, race became the most important thing – and behind the smoke screen of race, came the most significant lurch leftward since the terms of FDR.

    Leftist Democrats, all of whom railed against Dub for being an “imperial president” and employing the concept of the unitary presidency, understood how much open field a president had to just order things to be done. Of course, there would be constitutional challenges but by the time the Supreme Court hears the case, what the president wanted done would have been done.

    And with that realization, presidential elections became a win at any cost proposition.

    President Trump won in 2016, not so much by waves of popular support, but due to the absolute arrogance of the Hillary Clinton campaign. She believed was untouchable, had the media predicting a landslide for her, the Deep State backing her up and women were going to lift her to break the glass ceiling. She already had a plan to destroy Trump by linking him to Russia, a country she, as Obama’s SecState, pandered to with a red “reset” button. She was Madam President in waiting.

    But they missed a small slice of Americans in key battleground states who had been hurt by Obama’s policies of subservience to globalist forces – and that cost Madam President the White House.

    After that, Democrats resolved to never lose an election again and if they did, they would make governing impossible for any Republican president. They went to work on filing lawsuits, changing election procedures – even before the pandemic gave them a once in a lifetime opportunity to commit legal fraud by mail out ballots (something even Jimmy Carter believed would decrease election security substantially), and working within the Republican primaries to get Republican candidates nominated who a Democrat could beat.

    That’s their game, pure and simple and they don’t care who and what they need to destroy to accomplish their goal of perpetual power.

    Enough about them, back to us.

    One thing I can say for sure is that over the past forty-three years of election cycles, there has never been a presidential candidate with whom I have agreed one hundred percent.

    I have been a William F. Buckley/M. Stanton Evans conservative/classical liberal long before I cast my first national vote for Ronald Reagan in 1980. I supported HW and Dub, McCain and Romney, not because they were the same as me, but because they were the lesser of two evils. In all honesty, Bill Clinton, bookended by HW and Dub, was not a lot different from either of them. All three were moderate to liberal, all three seemed intent on engaging in foreign entanglements (Gulf I, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq) they had no plan to win, and all supported big government programs as a means for economic development (Dub called it “compassionate conservativism” which, as it turned out, just meant bigger government with Republicans in charge).

    I have never been a NeverTrumper but I was not an active supporter until he won the nomination in 2020. In all honesty, I didn’t trust him. I freely admit he was a far better president than I ever imagined but one of the big reasons I was against him, and I remember writing this during the primaries, was that because of who he is and was, because he had done the things he had done, and his renouncement of association with their causes, the left would never stop attacking him – ever.

    Objectively, I think it is safe to say that is a prediction that has come true in spades.

    And they are out for blood. They want to destroy President Trump even more than they want to win elections, even though to them, those two things are the same.

    I firmly believe Trump is due some retribution.

    I truly want to see him get it – but elections can’t just be about payback; they must be about true progress. The calculus of support for a candidate can’t be “blue, no matter who” or “better red than dead” and yet each side sees the other as being so bad, we fall into that binary and the flat spin that started with the 2008 election assures that sooner or later, we are going to have a kinetic meeting with the ground.

    Trump will get the chance to nail the Democrats to the wall if he can get out of his own way. His unnecessary twisting of his and DeSantis’ history does not resonate outside the hardcore Trumpites. It’s not so much that people are sold on DeSantis, it is that they stand with mouths agape at the Democrat-like twisting of the truth and the outright lies the Trump people are telling. It’s turning off moderates and independents (and some conservatives), all of whom he is going to need to win.

    He doesn’t need to do this. Something like 80% of Republicans and 60% plus of the general public see the collusion hoax that began before he was elected, constant lawfare that began immediately after he was inaugurated, the two engineered impeachments, and the recent federal indictments as illegitimate political persecution by the Biden/Garland DOJ. That people on the right want these forces crushed is a given. People don’t like arrogant assholes and know them when they see them, and the Democrats easily recognizable as assholes.

    The votes of those people are in the can as long as Trump doesn’t give them a reason to leave him.

    What he needs to do is to drop the “woe is me, they cheated” stunts (we get it, they did, he got screwed – but the clock can’t be turned back), the asinine revisionist rhetoric about the pandemic, the internecine warfare against anyone he feels is less than 100% loyal, and talk about things that matter in the here and now like reversing Biden’s horrific economic plans, his feckless foreign policy, truly cutting the federal government off at the knees (bye, bye Department of Education), cleaning out the DOJ and the State Department, engineering a veto proof CONSERVATIVE GOP majority in Congress, and more than anything, unifying the GOP behind a pro-constitution campaign to return the power to the people.

    I want to vote for the guy, I really do. At his worst, he is still better than another term with Biden, one with Harris, RFKII, Newsom or any other Democrat.

    But we always seem to find a way to lose elections that should be unlosable. The Democrats are so bad, this election is Trump’s to lose, and he seems to be finding every way possible to do just that.

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  • Presty the DJ for June 26

    June 26, 2023
    Music

    My German side should appreciate this: Today in 1870, Richard Wagner premiered “Die Valkyrie”:

    Today in 1964, the Beatles released their album “A Hard Day’s Night”:

    Today in 1975, Sonny and Cher decided they didn’t got you (that is, them) babe anymore — they divorced, which meant it was no longer true that …

    (Interestingly, at least to me: Sonny and Cher revived their CBS-TV show after their divorce. Also, Cher did a touching eulogy at Sonny Bono’s funeral.)

    Today in 1990, eight Kansas and Oklahoma radio stations decided to boycott singer KD Lang because she didn’t have a constant craving for meat, to the point she did an anti-meat ad:

    Birthdays start with Billy Davis Jr. of the Fifth Dimension:

    Jean Knight, who was dismissive of …

    Rindy Ross, the B-minor-favoring singer of Quarterflash:

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Steve Prestegard.com: The Presteblog

The thoughts of a journalist/libertarian–conservative/Christian husband, father, Eagle Scout and aficionado of obscure rock music. Thoughts herein are only the author’s and not necessarily the opinions of his family, friends, neighbors, church members or past, present or future employers.

  • Steve
    • About, or, Who is this man?
    • Facebook
    • Twitter
    • Adventures in ruralu0026nbsp;inkBack in June 2009, I was driving somewhere through a rural area. And for some reason, I had a flashback to two experiences in my career about that time of year many years ago. In 1988, eight days after graduating from the University of Wisconsin, I started work at the Grant County Herald Independent in Lancaster as a — well, the — reporter. Four years after that, on my 27th birthday, I purchased, with a business partner, the Tri-County Press in Cuba City, my first business venture. Both were experiences about which Wisconsin author Michael Perry might write. I thought about all this after reading a novel, The Deadline, written by a former newspaper editor and publisher. (Now who would write a novel about a weekly newspaper?) As a former newspaper owner, I picked at some of it — why finance a newspaper purchase through the bank if the seller is willing to finance it? Because the mean bank lender is a plot point! — and it is much more interesting than reality, but it is very well written, with a nicely twisting plot, and quite entertaining, again more so than reality. There is something about that first job out of college that makes you remember it perhaps more…
    • Adventures in radioI’ve been in the full-time work world half my life. For that same amount of time I’ve been broadcasting sports as a side interest, something I had wanted to since I started listening to games on radio and watching on TV, and then actually attending games. If you ask someone who’s worked in radio for some time about the late ’70s TV series “WKRP in Cincinnati,” most of them will tell you that, if anything, the series understated how wacky working in radio can be. Perhaps the funniest episode in the history of TV is the “WKRP” episode, based on a true story, about the fictional radio station’s Thanksgiving promotion — throwing live turkeys out of a helicopter under the mistaken belief that, in the words of WKRP owner Arthur Carlson, “As God is my witness, I thought turkeys could fly.” [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ST01bZJPuE0] I’ve never been involved in anything like that. I have announced games from the roofs of press boxes (once on a nice day, and once in 50-mph winds), from a Mississippi River bluff (more on that later), and from the front row of the second balcony of the University of Wisconsin Fieldhouse (great view, but not a place to go if…
    • “Good morning/afternoon/evening, ________ fans …”
    • My biggest storyEarlier this week, while looking for something else, I came upon some of my own work. (I’m going to write a blog someday called “Things I Found While Looking for Something Else.” This is not that blog.) The Grant County Sheriff’s Department, in the county where I used to live, has a tribute page to the two officers in county history who died in the line of duty. One is William Loud, a deputy marshal in Cassville, shot to death by two bank robbers in 1912. The other is Tom Reuter, a Grant County deputy sheriff who was shot to death at the end of his 4 p.m.-to-midnight shift March 18, 1990. Gregory Coulthard, then a 19-year-old farmhand, was convicted of first-degree intentional homicide and is serving a life sentence, with his first eligibility for parole on March 18, 2015, just 3½ years from now. I’ve written a lot over the years. I think this, from my first two years in the full-time journalism world, will go down as the story I remember the most. For journalists, big stories contain a paradox, which was pointed out in CBS-TV’s interview of Andy Rooney on his last “60 Minutes” Sunday. Morley Safer said something along the line…
  • Food and drink
    • The Roesch/Prestegard familyu0026nbsp;cookbookFrom the family cookbook(s) All the families I’m associated with love to eat, so it’s a good thing we enjoy cooking. The first out-of-my-house food memory I have is of my grandmother’s cooking for Christmas or other family occasions. According to my mother, my grandmother had a baked beans recipe that she would make for my mother. Unfortunately, the recipe seems to have  disappeared. Also unfortunately, my early days as a picky, though voluminous, eater meant I missed a lot of those recipes made from such wholesome ingredients as lard and meat fat. I particularly remember a couple of meals that involve my family. The day of Super Bowl XXXI, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and a group of their friends got together to share lots of food and cheer on the Packers to their first NFL title in 29 years. (After which Jannan and I drove to Lambeau Field in the snow,  but that’s another story.) Then, on Dec. 31, 1999, my parents, my brother, my aunt and uncle and Jannan and I (along with Michael in utero) had a one-course-per-hour meal to appropriately end years beginning with the number 1. Unfortunately I can’t remember what we…
    • SkålI was the editor of Marketplace Magazine for 10 years. If I had to point to one thing that demonstrates improved quality of life since I came to Northeast Wisconsin in 1994, it would be … … the growth of breweries and  wineries in Northeast Wisconsin. The former of those two facts makes sense, given our heritage as a brewing state. The latter is less self-evident, since no one thinks of Wisconsin as having a good grape-growing climate. Some snobs claim that apple or cherry wines aren’t really wines at all. But one of the great facets of free enterprise is the opportunity to make your own choice of what food and drink to drink. (At least for now, though some wish to restrict our food and drink choices.) Wisconsin’s historically predominant ethnic group (and our family’s) is German. Our German ancestors did unfortunately bring large government and high taxes with them, but they also brought beer. Europeans brought wine with them, since they came from countries with poor-quality drinking water. Within 50 years of a wave of mid-19th-century German immigration, brewing had become the fifth largest industry in the U.S., according to Maureen Ogle, author of Ambitious Brew: The Story of American Beer. Beer and wine have…
  • Wheels
    • America’s sports carMy birthday in June dawned without a Chevrolet Corvette in front of my house. (The Corvette at the top of the page was featured at the 2007 Greater Milwaukee Auto Show. The copilot is my oldest son, Michael.) Which isn’t surprising. I have three young children, and I have a house with a one-car garage. (Then again, this would be more practical, though a blatant pluck-your-eyes-out violation of the Corvette ethos. Of course, so was this.) The reality is that I’m likely to be able to own a Corvette only if I get a visit from the Corvette Fairy, whose office is next door to the Easter Bunny. (I hope this isn’t foreshadowing: When I interviewed Dave Richter of Valley Corvette for a car enthusiast story in the late great Marketplace Magazine, he said that the most popular Corvette in most fans’ minds was a Corvette built during their days in high school. This would be a problem for me in that I graduated from high school in 1983, when no Corvette was built.) The Corvette is one of those cars whose existence may be difficult to understand within General Motors Corp. The Corvette is what is known as a “halo car,” a car that drives people into showrooms, even if…
    • Barges on fouru0026nbsp;wheelsI originally wrote this in September 2008.  At the Fox Cities Business Expo Tuesday, a Smart car was displayed at the United Way Fox Cities booth. I reported that I once owned a car into which trunk, I believe, the Smart could be placed, with the trunk lid shut. This is said car — a 1975 Chevrolet Caprice coupe (ours was dark red), whose doors are, I believe, longer than the entire Smart. The Caprice, built down Interstate 90 from us Madisonians in Janesville (a neighbor of ours who worked at the plant probably helped put it together) was the flagship of Chevy’s full-size fleet (which included the stripper Bel Air and middle-of-the-road Impala), featuring popular-for-the-time vinyl roofs, better sound insulation, an upgraded cloth interior, rear fender skirts and fancy Caprice badges. The Caprice was 18 feet 1 inch long and weighed 4,300 pounds. For comparison: The midsize Chevrolet of the ear was the Malibu, which was the same approximate size as the Caprice after its 1977 downsizing. The compact Chevrolet of the era was the Nova, which was 200 inches long — four inches longer than a current Cadillac STS. Wikipedia’s entry on the Caprice has this amusing sentence: “As fuel economy became a bigger priority among Americans…
    • Behind the wheel
    • Collecting only dust or rust
    • Coooooooooooupe!
    • Corvettes on the screen
    • The garage of misfit cars
    • 100 years (and one day) of our Chevrolets
    • They built Excitement, sort of, once in a while
    • A wagon by any otheru0026nbsp;nameFirst written in 2008. You will see more don’t-call-them-station-wagons as you drive today. Readers around my age have probably had some experience with a vehicle increasingly rare on the road — the station wagon. If you were a Boy Scout or Girl Scout, or were a member of some kind of youth athletic team, or had a large dog, or had relatives approximately your age, or had friends who needed to be transported somewhere, or had parents who occasionally had to haul (either in the back or in a trailer) more than what could be fit inside a car trunk, you (or, actually, your parents) were the target demographic for the station wagon. “Station wagons came to be like covered wagons — so much family activity happened in those cars,” said Tim Cleary, president of the American Station Wagon Owners Association, in Country Living magazine. Wagons “were used for everything from daily runs to the grocery store to long summer driving trips, and while many men and women might have wanted a fancier or sportier car, a station wagon was something they knew they needed for the family.” The “station wagon” originally was a vehicle with a covered seating area to take people between train stations…
    • Wheels on theu0026nbsp;screenBetween my former and current blogs, I wrote a lot about automobiles and TV and movies. Think of this post as killing two birds (Thunderbirds? Firebirds? Skylarks?) with one stone. Most movies and TV series view cars the same way most people view cars — as A-to-B transportation. (That’s not counting the movies or series where the car is the plot, like the haunted “Christine” or “Knight Rider” or the “Back to the Future” movies.) The philosophy here, of course, is that cars are not merely A-to-B transportation. Which disqualifies most police shows from what you’re about to read, even though I’ve watched more police video than anything else, because police cars are plain Jane vehicles. The highlight in a sense is in the beginning: The car chase in my favorite movie, “Bullitt,” featuring Steve McQueen’s 1968 Ford Mustang against the bad guys’ 1968 Dodge Charger: [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GMc2RdFuOxIu0026amp;fmt=18] One year before that (but I didn’t see this until we got Telemundo on cable a couple of years ago) was a movie called “Operación 67,” featuring (I kid you not) a masked professional wrestler, his unmasked sidekick, and some sort of secret agent plot. (Since I don’t know Spanish and it’s not…
    • While riding in my Cadillac …
  • Entertainments
    • Brass rocksThose who read my former blog last year at this time, or have read this blog over the past months, know that I am a big fan of the rock group Chicago. (Back when they were a rock group and not a singer of sappy ballads, that is.) Since rock music began from elements of country music, jazz and the blues, brass rock would seem a natural subgenre of rock music. A lot of ’50s musical acts had saxophone players, and some played with full orchestras … [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9CPS-WuUKUE] … but it wasn’t until the more-or-less simultaneous appearances of Chicago and Blood Sweat u0026amp; Tears on the musical scene (both groups formed in 1967, both had their first charting singles in 1969, and they had the same producer) that the usual guitar/bass/keyboard/drum grouping was augmented by one or more trumpets, a sax player and a trombone player. While Chicago is my favorite group (but you knew that already), the first brass rock song I remember hearing was BSu0026amp;T’s “Spinning Wheel” — not in its original form, but on “Sesame Street,” accompanied by, yes, a giant spinning wheel. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qi9sLkyhhlE] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OxWSOuNsN20] [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U9U34uPjz-g] I remember liking Chicago’s “Just You ‘n Me” when it was released as a single, and…
    • Drive and Eat au0026nbsp;RockThe first UW home football game of each season also is the opener for the University of Wisconsin Marching Band, the world’s finest college marching band. (How the UW Band has not gotten the Sudler Trophy, which is to honor the country’s premier college marching bands, is beyond my comprehension.) I know this because I am an alumnus of the UW Band. I played five years (in the last rank of the band, Rank 25, motto: “Where Men Are Tall and Run-On Is Short”), marching in 39 football games at Camp Randall Stadium, the Hubert H. Humphrey Metrodome in Minneapolis, Michigan Stadium in Ann Arbor, Memorial Stadium at the University of Illinois (worst artificial turf I had ever seen), the University of Nevada–Las Vegas’ Sam Boyd Silver Bowl, the former Dyche Stadium at Northwestern University, five high school fields and, in my one bowl game, Legion Field in Birmingham, Ala., site of the 1984 Hall of Fame Bowl. The UW Band was, without question, the most memorable experience of my college days, and one of the most meaningful experiences of my lifetime. It was the most physical experience of my lifetime, to be sure. Fifteen minutes into my first Registration…
    • Keep on rockin’ in the freeu0026nbsp;worldOne of my first ambitions in communications was to be a radio disc jockey, and to possibly reach the level of the greats I used to listen to from WLS radio in Chicago, which used to be one of the great 50,000-watt AM rock stations of the country, back when they still existed. (Those who are aficionados of that time in music and radio history enjoyed a trip to that wayback machine when WLS a Memorial Day Big 89 Rewind, excerpts of which can be found on their Web site.) My vision was to be WLS’ afternoon DJ, playing the best in rock music between 2 and 6, which meant I wouldn’t have to get up before the crack of dawn to do the morning show, yet have my nights free to do whatever glamorous things big-city DJs did. Then I learned about the realities of radio — low pay, long hours, zero job security — and though I have dabbled in radio sports, I’ve pretty much cured myself of the idea of working in radio, even if, to quote WAPL’s Len Nelson, “You come to work every day just like everybody else does, but we’re playing rock ’n’ roll songs, we’re cuttin’ up.…
    • Monday on the flight line, not Saturday in the park
    • Music to drive by
    • The rock ofu0026nbsp;WisconsinWikipedia begins its item “Music of Wisconsin” thusly: Wisconsin was settled largely by European immigrants in the late 19th century. This immigration led to the popularization of galops, schottisches, waltzes, and, especially, polkas. [youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yl7wCczgNUc] So when I first sought to write a blog piece about rock musicians from Wisconsin, that seemed like a forlorn venture. Turned out it wasn’t, because when I first wrote about rock musicians from Wisconsin, so many of them that I hadn’t mentioned came up in the first few days that I had to write a second blog entry fixing the omissions of the first. This list is about rock music, so it will not include, for instance, Milwaukee native and Ripon College graduate Al Jarreau, who in addition to having recorded a boatload of music for the jazz and adult contemporary/easy listening fan, also recorded the theme music for the ’80s TV series “Moonlighting.” Nor will it include Milwaukee native Eric Benet, who was for a while known more for his former wife, Halle Berry, than for his music, which includes four number one singles on the Ru0026amp;B charts, “Spend My Life with You” with Tamia, “Hurricane,” “Pretty Baby” and “You’re the Only One.” Nor will it include Wisconsin’s sizable contributions to big…
    • Steve TV: All Steve, All the Time
    • “Super Steve, Man of Action!”
    • Too much TV
    • The worst music of allu0026nbsp;timeThe rock group Jefferson Airplane titled its first greatest-hits compilation “The Worst of Jefferson Airplane.” Rolling Stone magazine was not being ironic when it polled its readers to decide the 10 worst songs of the 1990s. I’m not sure I agree with all of Rolling Stone’s list, but that shouldn’t be surprising; such lists are meant for debate, after all. To determine the “worst,” songs appropriate for the “Vinyl from Hell” segment that used to be on a Madison FM rock station, requires some criteria, which does not include mere overexposure (for instance, “Macarena,” the video of which I find amusing since it looks like two bankers are singing it). Before we go on: Blog posts like this one require multimedia, so if you find a song you hate on this blog, I apologize. These are also songs that I almost never listen to because my sound system has a zero-tolerance policy — if I’m listening to the radio or a CD and I hear a song I don’t like, it’s, to quote Bad Company, gone gone gone. My blonde wife won’t be happy to read that one of her favorite ’90s songs, 4 Non Blondes’ “What’s Up,” starts the list. (However,…
    • “You have the right to remain silent …”
  • Madison
    • Blasts from the Madison media past
    • Blasts from my Madison past
    • Blasts from our Madison past
    • What’s the matter with Madison?
    • Wisconsin – Madison = ?
  • Sports
    • Athletic aesthetics, or “cardinal” vs. “Big Red”
    • Choose your own announcer
    • La Follette state 1982 (u0022It was 30 years ago todayu0022)
    • The North Dakota–Wisconsin Hockey Fight of 1982
    • Packers vs. Brewers
  • Hall of Fame
    • The case(s) against teacher unions
    • The Class of 1983
    • A hairy subject, or face the face
    • It’s worse than you think
    • It’s worse than you think, 2010–11 edition
    • My favorite interview subject of all time
    • Oh look! Rural people!
    • Prestegard for president!
    • Unions vs. the facts, or Hiding in plain sight
    • When rhetoric goes too far
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