Here’s an odd anniversary: Four days after Cher divorced Sonny Bono, she married Gregg Allman. Come back to this blog in nine days to find out what happened next.
Birthdays start with Florence Ballard of the Supremes …
Here’s an odd anniversary: Four days after Cher divorced Sonny Bono, she married Gregg Allman. Come back to this blog in nine days to find out what happened next.
Birthdays start with Florence Ballard of the Supremes …
Greg Ip opined Wednesday:
President Biden kicks off a national campaign Wednesday pitching his economic record to a deeply skeptical public.
The challenge: Biden really has two economic records. One of them begins in late 2021 and consists of a series of legislative wins on infrastructure, semiconductor production and renewable energy, which he then preserved in a debt-ceiling deal with Republicans. These policies could shape the economy for years to come.
That record, though, is overshadowed by the record of his first months in office, when his American Rescue Plan pumped $1.9 trillion of demand into a supply-constrained economy. The result was the tightest job market in memory and a surge in inflation that still hangs over Biden’s approval ratings and his prospects for re-election.
There was a definite horn rock theme today in 1968, as proven by number seven …
… six …
… two …
… and one on the charts:
Today in 1971, Mick Jagger and Keith Richards were sentenced on drug charges. And, of course, you could replace “1971” with any year and Jagger’ and Richards’ names with practically any rock musician’s name of those days.
Or other people: Today in 2000, Eminem’s mother sued her son for defamation from the line “My mother smokes more dope than I do” from his “My Name Is.”
Birthdays start with LeRoy Anderson, whose first work was the theme music for many afternoon movies, but who is best known for his second work (with which I point out that Christmas is less than six months away):
Barack Obama, in a recent interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, said:
It’s very hard to sustain a democracy when you have such massive concentrations of wealth. And so, part of my argument has been that unless we attend to that, unless we make people feel more economically secure and we’re taking more seriously the need to create ladders of opportunity and a stronger safety net that’s adapted to these new technologies and the displacements that are taking place around the world, if we don’t take care of that, that’s also going to fuel the kind of mostly far-right populism, but it can also potentially come from the left, that is undermining democracy because it makes people angry and resentful and scared.
The obvious criticism of Obama here is that he and his wife are walking, talking, “massive concentrations of wealth.”
Obama and his wife signed the largest book deal in history, $65 million, for their memoirs. The Obamas signed a separate production deal with Netflix worth an estimated $50 million. The Obamas’ production company, Higher Ground, signed a $25 million deal with Spotify that lasted three years. Barack Obama reportedly makes as much as $400,000 per speech, but reportedly made almost $600,000 for speaking at a conference in Colombia. Michelle Obama makes $200,000 per appearance.
The Obamas rent a mansion in Kalorama (a neighborhood in Washington, D.C.); bought a mansion and estate in Martha’s Vineyard, Mass.; bought another house in Rancho Mirage, Calif.; and still have their old home in the Hyde Park neighborhood of Chicago.
In April 2010, then-president Obama declared, “At a certain point, you’ve made enough money.” Apparently, Obama hasn’t reached that point yet.
But it’s not just that Obama is objecting to the concentration of wealth while becoming fabulously wealthy himself. It’s that Obama’s assessment of what is driving modern American populism is likely quite wrong. He’s attempting to shoehorn a cliched left-wing progressive complaint about America to fit as an explanation for the current popularity of right-wing populism.
Perhaps some American populists on the Left are driven by an objection to massive concentrations of wealth. But right-wing populists in the United States adore a man who lives in a mansion in Mar-a-Lago and who brags about how wealthy he is. American populists may well sneer about the out-of-touch wealthy elites rigging the system, but they largely nodded when Trump named Steven Mnuchin as Secretary of the Treasury, Wilbur Ross as Secretary of Commerce, and Betsy DeVos as Secretary of Education. Trump’s cabinet featured 17 millionaires, two centimillionaires, and one billionaire.
Tucker Carlson made $20 million per year at Fox News, and few populists on the right saw that as any kind of problem. Populists have little objection to anybody being super rich, as long as those rich people tell them what they want to hear. And what populists particularly love hearing is that they’re being dissed.
Keep in mind, most Trump supporters aren’t poor, or even necessarily on the bottom half of the nation’s income scale. In the 2016 Republican primaries, Trump voters’ median income exceeded the overall statewide median, sometimes narrowly but sometimes substantially. In the general election, like the primary, “About two thirds of Trump supporters came from the better-off half of the economy.” Further analysis found “support for Trump was strongest among the locally rich — that is, white voters with incomes that are high for their area, though not necessarily for the country as a whole.” Polling in 2020 found that the higher a person’s income, the more likely they were to say the economy would improve more in a second term of Trump than under Joe Biden. In the 2020 election, Trump did better among voters making more than $50,000 per year than he did among voters making less than $50,000 per year.
(I should pause to remind readers that back in 2016, Michael Brendan Dougherty pointed out the limitations of measuring a person’s wealth by self-reported income level, without taking the local cost of living into account. The average household income in Staten Island is $113,335, but that doesn’t make it a particularly high-status place to live by the standards of New York City.)
So why is Obama looking at MAGA America and concluding that what truly drives its members is “massive concentrations of wealth” and economic insecurity? Because Obama’s assessment of Americans in flyover country hasn’t changed much since 2008, when he declared:
You go into these small towns in Pennsylvania and, like a lot of small towns in the Midwest, the jobs have been gone now for 25 years and nothing’s replaced them. And they fell through the Clinton administration, and the Bush administration, and each successive administration has said that somehow these communities are gonna regenerate and they have not. And it’s not surprising then they get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy toward people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.
Obama has his explanation for why many religious, gun-owning, and working-class Americans have their views, and he’s not interested in updating or revising his assessment. Inherent but unspoken in his conclusion is that his own presidency didn’t do much to change the conditions of these voters, leading them to vote for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton.
I would argue that America’s right-of-center populists aren’t all that driven by resentment or a lack of opportunity (more on this below). They’re often most driven by a perceived lack of respect.
They didn’t go to the right schools, they don’t work in professions that are glamorous or celebrated, their religious faith is mocked and derided, and Hollywood portrays them as a bunch of ignorant hicks. Many of them live in “flyover country,” which is seen as culturally backwards, easily and justifiably ignored. They work for a living and do not benefit from affirmative action, but they’re told that they have it easy because of “white privilege.” A lot of government officials treat their constitutionally protected ownership of a gun as a major problem to be solved, but shrug their shoulders at the insecure border and illegal immigration. Lots of Americans see a criminal-justice system that comes down like a ton of bricks on pro-life protesters while prominent big-city district attorneys declare they won’t prosecute whole classes of crimes.
The Obama team openly spoke about how its voters were a “coalition of the ascendant” — minorities, the millennial generation, and socially liberal upscale whites, especially women. This term means there must be a corresponding “coalition of the descendant” — whites, older Americans, social conservatives, married couples, and men. No one likes hearing that they’re outdated, sinking, or losing importance or relevance. Run around boasting that you don’t need certain demographics of voters long enough, and those demographics will conclude that they don’t need you, either.
Erick Erickson has an appropriate thought as we near Independence Day:
I’ve been thinking about this topic for a while and finally got motivated to write about it when I saw this tweet from Nate Silver. He tweets, “Kind of amazed how well the ‘Did You Possibly Feel A Small Pang of Joy? Here’s A Reason To Stay Miserable’ genre continues to do, though it was a pandemic thing but still going strong.” He highlights three stories: one against those rooting for orcas; one denouncing traveling from home; and one against using ice in cocktails because of climate change.
As Sonny Bunch notes, there is a reason environmentalists are so often the bad guys in movies. Thanos wanted to save the universe by killing half of humanity. In the Godzilla movies, the bad guys are environmentalists who want to unleash monsters to kill humanity and save the planet. In Aquaman, the bad guy thinks humans are destroying the earth. Go back to the Kingsmen movie and Samuel L. Jackson played a crazy environmentalist who wanted to wipe out the poor, unenlightened non-celebrity.
In real life, 60 Minutes has tried rehabilitating Paul Ehrlich, a Malthusian, in just the past year. New York City wants to regulate coal and wood-fired ovens out of existence. The feds want to take away gas stoves. Together with corporations, they want to ban the family road trip by forcing us into electric vehicles. More and more corporations push us to pay a small fee for climate offsets. They’re even pushing the trans agenda as a back door way to sterilize kids to prevent Paul Ehrlich’s population bomb.
Add into that the reaction to Noah Rothman’s piece at National Review on “The War on Things That Work.” You might have thought Rothman has carved up a sea turtle with plastic utensils. Leftists heaped scorn and disgust on him for making a very straightforward point:
By itself, an electric range, a heat pump, an ugly LED bulb, or a paper straw is a minor irritation. In a mandated aggregate, they look like a society-wide assault on the dignity of personal choice. Activists, like-minded bureaucrats, and their allies in elected office are, in the name of climate change, waging war against products and conventions that make everyday life work. For the targets of their hostility, they would substitute alternatives that either perform less effectively or demand more of your time and money. And you’re expected to bear this burden indefinitely. Or at least until you communicate your displeasure in no uncertain terms at the ballot box.
Rothman is absolutely right, and the left got angry at him for pointing it out.
These people are miserable and want you to be miserable. They cannot laugh. They have no sense of humor. They have chosen misery, lab-grown meat, and veganism. They have turned their backs on the ultimate plant-based food — cow, charred on a wood-burning flame — in favor of white guilt and childlessness.
That’s going to be on the ballot in 2024. Americans who can laugh at things have a way to break through. Most Americans, I think, are getting resentful of the bitter malcontents always lecturing us and sucking the joy out of life like Dementors from Harry Potter.
This is why I don’t discount Tim Scott, who always has a smile and laughs at these absurdities with an upbeat, positive message about America. It’s why I think Mike Pence, who believes in the greatness of the country, has an opportunity to carry a message forward. Haley, DeSantis, and all of them really can use the left’s misery and madness to rally Americans against it.
The left is dominant in cultural institutions. They don’t care for the country. They think your skin color defines your lot in life. Just look at the Yale-graduated New York Times editorial assistant who wrote that believing hard work can propel you forward in society just props up white supremacy. They are a loud minority who should be mocked, laughed at, and repudiated.
The GOP should put happiness on the ballot in 2024. Run against the misery of the Dementors who suck joy out of life, would deprive you of smoked meats and Neapolitan pizzas, and want to force you to stay home and masked.
Today in 1975, David Bowie found “Fame”:
Today in 1978, the UN named Kansas ambassadors of goodwill:
Two birthdays today are from the same group: Drummer Bobby Harrison was born two years before bassist Dave Knights of Procol Harum:
Commentary magazine has a depressingly thought-provoking article out. I’m going to quote a good deal of it and add some observations of my own, observations from my career as a litigating lawyer and, since then, from what I see around me every day. In a nutshell, what I saw as a lawyer and what I see now is a staggering amount of dishonesty and an even more staggering nonchalant acceptance of it. It’s in every nook-and-cranny of the culture — business, media, politics, academia, you name it.
Can a society that has become this saturated in deceit survive?
Here’s how the Commentary article begins:
So-called shock polls seldom shock. But in April, the Pew Research Center conducted a survey of U.S. adults and found something [that did]. Fifty-eight percent of Americans said that life, “for people like them,” was better 50 years ago than it is today.
Fifty years ago was 1973. Now consider the apparently untroubled idyll of 1973 America. The Paris Peace Accords rendered the Vietnam War, in which more than 50,000 Americans had already died fighting Communism, officially lost (but not entirely over). OPEC nations imposed an oil embargo on the United States, sending fuel prices skyward, [creating gas shortages and gas lines everywhere], and contributing to the onset of a recession. All the while, Watergate was galloping along, with regularly televised Senate hearings and the appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate the alleged misconduct of a sitting president. And American cities were awash in record lawlessness, with violent crime having shot up 126 percent between 1960 to 1970 and set to increase another 64 percent by 1980.
Yes, the good old days weren’t that good. To some of us, they’re not that old, either.
We have no shortage of conflicts and challenges in 2023. But is life in the United States worse than in 1973? Item by item, no….American troops aren’t fighting in a foreign war; Ukrainians are…The 1973 oil shock was the largest in history. In 2023, oil prices are down almost 11 percent from a year earlier. Whatever unsavory business dealings may be swirling around the Biden family, the president is not facing resignation or removal because of them. And while the crime rate has risen significantly in the past few years, the crime spike of the immediate postwar decades makes our age look paradisiacal.
The year 1973, much like the years surrounding it, was hell; 2023 just feels like it.
Until I saw the Pew poll, I thought I might be alone in feeling so grim about the direction of the country — in thinking that the foundations of American life are more genuinely at risk now than they were in 50 years ago, notwithstanding that the objective metrics seem to say otherwise. But I’m not alone, not by a long shot. A big majority has the same uneasy sense.
The question is why. What exactly is so bad about the United States today? We must ask because, despite the itemized comparison, something does seem frightfully, and peculiarly, wrong with present-day America. Not just wrong, but disorienting.
Indeed, worse than disorienting. It feels like something deeply reassuring about the country, something critical that we all took for granted, has disappeared.
Donald Trump, the former president and current frontrunner for the Republican nomination, faces 37 federal charges…[a]nd the public is split between those who want to put Trump in jail and those who want to jail Joe Biden for orchestrating Trump’s indictment. So, again we must ask: What’s wrong with us?
There are many popular answers: We’re more and more politically divided. We’re more ideologically extreme than we’ve ever been. At the same time, we’re losing our attachment to the traditional American values of God, family, and country. We’ve become too isolated. And so on.
These are all more or less true. But they are only pieces of a puzzle. To solve it, we need a sense of the composite image that we’re aiming for. And there is, in fact, a greater national affliction that runs through these partial explanations and connects them to a still wider range of current misfortunes: American society is losing its capacity to trust.
Here the author, Abe Greenwald, is very much onto something. But he’s just slightly off target, I think: It’s not that we’ve lost our capacity to trust. It’s that so much in our culture has become untrustworthy. Dishonest, in a word. And that very few opinion leaders even take note of it, much less sound the alarm.
Not that dishonesty is new. I get that. When I signed on to my first job (at the Justice Department) 50 years ago, the thing that most surprised me was how aggressively misleading private lawyers were in presenting arguments to, of all things, the Supreme Court.
You would think that presenting your case to the High Court would call forth an extra measure of probity. You would think wrong. I soon got “educated” that lawyers (not all of them but way more than a few) passed off tendentious exaggeration and misleading omissions as “advocacy, “ — hey, look, they’re trying to put my client in a cage — and with that label, expected to get away with, and virtually always did get away with, a degree of disingenuity that, as a ten year-old, would have got me sent to my room for a week.
At first I thought it was just the criminal defense bar, but then experience wised me up. It’s not just the criminal defense bar nor even the bar generally. Sleaze is at its worst in criminal defense, true, but the license with truthfulness found there takes root in a far broader, and now culture-wide, acceptance of deceit. Indeed, by 2009, the time the Court heard a case involving the numerous slippery (but, so the Court would hold, not illegal) business practices of Lord Conrad Black, I was forced to observe:
The Black case opens a window on our culture of dishonesty. Understandably seldom said out loud, the truth is that staggering amounts of misleading, deceptive and sleazy behavior, both public and private, are increasingly prevalent in this country and increasingly accepted. It didn’t start with, “I did not have sex with that woman, Ms. Lewinsky,” and it hasn’t ended there. It’s everywhere from WorldCom to “teaser” rates to liar loans to fly-by-night disaster “charities” to the razzle-dazzle microscopic fine print setting out the 89 exceptions in your car repair warranty. Your e-mail is bulging with offers ranging from half-truth come-on’s to outright swindles. You can’t watch TV for 20 minutes without hearing some miraculous offer to “fix” your credit, all followed up by some fellow who races through the real terms in a voice so fast and low no human ear could understand it. On the nightly news a half hour later, the President of the United States [then Barack Obama] tells you in earnest tones that we can provide health care to 30,000,000 people at no additional cost — or, if a cost oddly appears, one that will be paid by squeezing previously undiscovered “waste, fraud and abuse” out of an already near-bankrupt Medicare system. Slick talk and slick dealing — with the not infrequent outright whopper — have found their way to every corner of our culture.
We saw in the banking crisis of 2007 – 2009 the broad and painful toll rampant dishonesty can exact. There, it was almost universal lying on mortgate applications passed on by even more rampant lying in the banks’s secondary mortgage market. More such crises and more such pain are coming in a society that still treats the march of deceit as the mostly harmless outcropping of a boys-just-want-to-have-fun culture, and any consternation or pushback as so much tiresome Puritanical nagging.
Without honesty, we can’t have trust. And without trust, we are in deep, deep trouble. As Abraham observes:
Trust is the key ingredient in what’s known as “social capital,” which we can define as the benefits accrued by people in social networks. And these benefits are plentiful. High-trust societies are characterized by increased wealth, less crime and corruption, and greater transparency. Low-trust societies are associated with impaired economies, higher crime and corruption, and ill-defined norms.
And there’s this: A free country without trust cannot long survive as a free country. Trust undergirds our social contract and thwarts the authoritarian tendencies of government. Loss of public trust, on the other hand, create opportunities for state intervention. It’s when we can no longer enter into profitable relationships in good faith that the regulators, rule-makers, and enforcers come calling.
We’re not Colombia or Peru, where fewer than 10 percent of the population believes that “most people can be trusted.” But we’re sliding in the wrong direction.
The wrong direction being, as the article notes, that in 1973, 47 percent of Americans believed that most Americans could be trusted. Today, it’s down to 32 percent.
Earned distrust — because of dishonesty — is everywhere in our politics (much of Ringside is about it in one way or another), but even more annoying and ubiquitous, and in a much more corrosive way, in our daily life.
In fact, [distrust is] mostly atmospheric, weaving through the headlines and trends that make up our days. What, for example, is the obsession with cryptocurrency if not a declaration of distrust in our traditional monetary system? What about the rise in homeschooling—still up some 30 percent since 2019? Or the growing anti-work movement, which preaches that the employer-employee relationship is a big swindle? And for those who do go to work, there’s mandatory Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) training, because you can’t be trusted to act like a decent human being. Nor are you to be trusted at the drug store, which is why the toothpaste you want is under lock and key…And public fact-checking is now its own celebrated branch of journalism.
Distrust to this gargantuan extent is horribly destructive, but not as destructive as the vice that ineluctably creates it. Until honesty returns to public and private life, this is how it’s going to be.
For some reason, the Beatles’ “Sie Liebt Dich” got only to number 97 on the German charts:
The English translation did much better, yeah, yeah, yeah:
Today in 1968, Elvis Presley started taping his comeback special:
Today in 1989, The Who performed its rock opera “Tommy” at Radio City Music Hall in New York, their first complete performance of “Tommy” since 1972:
This would have never happened in the People’s Republic of Madison, but … in Milwaukee today in 1993, Don Henley dedicated “It’s Not Easy Being Green” to President Bill Clinton … and got booed.
Here’s where I struggle with 2024.
I’ll be as honest about it as I can. Some of this will resonate with people, some it will make angry, but I can’t be the only person in America who feels that way – and before you read past this opening paragraph, this is NOT an attack on President Trump, at least not the president he was up until a few months before the 2020 election.
First, a little background.
It seems clear to me that we are locked into a cycle of mutually assured destruction in our presidential election cycles that began with Bush v. Gore in 2000.
Sure, I am partisan, but it is not at all unclear who fired the first shot in this cycle. The media calling Florida before the polls closed in majority conservative panhandle of Florida when the outcome was trending toward razor thin, the selective recounts in heavily Democrat counties and none anywhere else, the ridiculously ambiguous standards (remember the “pregnant chads” and “discerning the intent of the voter”), and the ensuing lawsuits filed by the Gore campaign cement the Democrats as the aggressors.
With the war weariness of the final Bush term, people wanted something different and boy howdy, was Obama different. Accusations of racism had been a feature of presidential elections since 1964 when Barry Goldwater was tagged as a racist by the Democrat media, but with two white guys running every year, it didn’t get much traction. The 2008 election changed all that. With a multiracial man on one side and a WASPy honky on the other, race became the most important thing – and behind the smoke screen of race, came the most significant lurch leftward since the terms of FDR.
Leftist Democrats, all of whom railed against Dub for being an “imperial president” and employing the concept of the unitary presidency, understood how much open field a president had to just order things to be done. Of course, there would be constitutional challenges but by the time the Supreme Court hears the case, what the president wanted done would have been done.
And with that realization, presidential elections became a win at any cost proposition.
President Trump won in 2016, not so much by waves of popular support, but due to the absolute arrogance of the Hillary Clinton campaign. She believed was untouchable, had the media predicting a landslide for her, the Deep State backing her up and women were going to lift her to break the glass ceiling. She already had a plan to destroy Trump by linking him to Russia, a country she, as Obama’s SecState, pandered to with a red “reset” button. She was Madam President in waiting.
But they missed a small slice of Americans in key battleground states who had been hurt by Obama’s policies of subservience to globalist forces – and that cost Madam President the White House.
After that, Democrats resolved to never lose an election again and if they did, they would make governing impossible for any Republican president. They went to work on filing lawsuits, changing election procedures – even before the pandemic gave them a once in a lifetime opportunity to commit legal fraud by mail out ballots (something even Jimmy Carter believed would decrease election security substantially), and working within the Republican primaries to get Republican candidates nominated who a Democrat could beat.
That’s their game, pure and simple and they don’t care who and what they need to destroy to accomplish their goal of perpetual power.
Enough about them, back to us.
One thing I can say for sure is that over the past forty-three years of election cycles, there has never been a presidential candidate with whom I have agreed one hundred percent.
I have been a William F. Buckley/M. Stanton Evans conservative/classical liberal long before I cast my first national vote for Ronald Reagan in 1980. I supported HW and Dub, McCain and Romney, not because they were the same as me, but because they were the lesser of two evils. In all honesty, Bill Clinton, bookended by HW and Dub, was not a lot different from either of them. All three were moderate to liberal, all three seemed intent on engaging in foreign entanglements (Gulf I, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq) they had no plan to win, and all supported big government programs as a means for economic development (Dub called it “compassionate conservativism” which, as it turned out, just meant bigger government with Republicans in charge).
I have never been a NeverTrumper but I was not an active supporter until he won the nomination in 2020. In all honesty, I didn’t trust him. I freely admit he was a far better president than I ever imagined but one of the big reasons I was against him, and I remember writing this during the primaries, was that because of who he is and was, because he had done the things he had done, and his renouncement of association with their causes, the left would never stop attacking him – ever.
Objectively, I think it is safe to say that is a prediction that has come true in spades.
And they are out for blood. They want to destroy President Trump even more than they want to win elections, even though to them, those two things are the same.
I firmly believe Trump is due some retribution.
I truly want to see him get it – but elections can’t just be about payback; they must be about true progress. The calculus of support for a candidate can’t be “blue, no matter who” or “better red than dead” and yet each side sees the other as being so bad, we fall into that binary and the flat spin that started with the 2008 election assures that sooner or later, we are going to have a kinetic meeting with the ground.
Trump will get the chance to nail the Democrats to the wall if he can get out of his own way. His unnecessary twisting of his and DeSantis’ history does not resonate outside the hardcore Trumpites. It’s not so much that people are sold on DeSantis, it is that they stand with mouths agape at the Democrat-like twisting of the truth and the outright lies the Trump people are telling. It’s turning off moderates and independents (and some conservatives), all of whom he is going to need to win.
He doesn’t need to do this. Something like 80% of Republicans and 60% plus of the general public see the collusion hoax that began before he was elected, constant lawfare that began immediately after he was inaugurated, the two engineered impeachments, and the recent federal indictments as illegitimate political persecution by the Biden/Garland DOJ. That people on the right want these forces crushed is a given. People don’t like arrogant assholes and know them when they see them, and the Democrats easily recognizable as assholes.
The votes of those people are in the can as long as Trump doesn’t give them a reason to leave him.
What he needs to do is to drop the “woe is me, they cheated” stunts (we get it, they did, he got screwed – but the clock can’t be turned back), the asinine revisionist rhetoric about the pandemic, the internecine warfare against anyone he feels is less than 100% loyal, and talk about things that matter in the here and now like reversing Biden’s horrific economic plans, his feckless foreign policy, truly cutting the federal government off at the knees (bye, bye Department of Education), cleaning out the DOJ and the State Department, engineering a veto proof CONSERVATIVE GOP majority in Congress, and more than anything, unifying the GOP behind a pro-constitution campaign to return the power to the people.
I want to vote for the guy, I really do. At his worst, he is still better than another term with Biden, one with Harris, RFKII, Newsom or any other Democrat.
But we always seem to find a way to lose elections that should be unlosable. The Democrats are so bad, this election is Trump’s to lose, and he seems to be finding every way possible to do just that.
My German side should appreciate this: Today in 1870, Richard Wagner premiered “Die Valkyrie”:
Today in 1964, the Beatles released their album “A Hard Day’s Night”:
Today in 1975, Sonny and Cher decided they didn’t got you (that is, them) babe anymore — they divorced, which meant it was no longer true that …
(Interestingly, at least to me: Sonny and Cher revived their CBS-TV show after their divorce. Also, Cher did a touching eulogy at Sonny Bono’s funeral.)
Today in 1990, eight Kansas and Oklahoma radio stations decided to boycott singer KD Lang because she didn’t have a constant craving for meat, to the point she did an anti-meat ad:
Birthdays start with Billy Davis Jr. of the Fifth Dimension:
Jean Knight, who was dismissive of …
Rindy Ross, the B-minor-favoring singer of Quarterflash: