The Examiner reports:
In the aftermath of a paralyzing congressional budget fight that this month shut down the government and threatened financial default, the business community has been left fuming.
“We think many of the issues that many of these folks have raised are really important issues,” U.S. Chamber of Commerce President and CEO Tom Donohue said of the Republican conservatives whose fight over Obamacare shuttered the government for 16 days. “But we do believe to advance those interests by putting the country’s whole financial system at risk is not a good idea.”
The fight — and conservatives’ rejection of business community warnings about the economic chaos it could create — now has the Chamber and other business groups long aligned with the Republican Party weighing whether to fight back. The groups are considering taking a page from conservatives’ own playbook by recruiting and funding business-friendly candidates against Tea Party incumbents in next year’s Republican congressional primaries. …
Business and financial interests have been reluctant to challenge conservative Republicans because they share the lawmakers’ views on other major issues, like taxation and spending. That dynamic makes the current state of play, and business groups’ likely engagement during the midterm elections, much less dramatic than it would seem.
“In some ways this is nothing more than the traditional blocking and tackling of what a PAC or political operation would be doing anyway, which is [identifying] what candidates would be most aligned with the viewpoint of the PAC or the political operation,” said David French, lead lobbyist for the National Retail Federation.
Moreover, the business community, long aligned with the Republican Party, was not displeased by the outcome of the recent budget fight, which raised the debt ceiling until February 2014 and ultimately funded the government, nor surprised by the legislative waffling preceding it. Looking ahead to future fiscal debates, the business community anticipates conservative Republicans will protect its pet policies.
The current split between business interests and conservatives, then, is less philosophical than tactical, with the business community irked at Republicans’ intraparty squabbling.
The recent budget impasse on Capitol Hill was marked by Republican-on-Republican fighting, led by conservative lawmakers like Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, and outside groups like the Senate Conservatives Fund, which targeted Republicans considered too moderate and too willing to compromise.
Conservative groups engage in anti-Republican rhetoric gamely, because they are concerned less with winning congressional majorities than in ensuring that safe Republican seats are held by the most conservative lawmakers.
The business community, meanwhile, has long wielded its influence inside Washington by helping Republicans to win majorities and subsequently leaning on party leaders to protect businesses.
But, as the recent budget fight demonstrated, congressional leaders are less influential than they once were, in part because conservative lawmakers are more beholden to the outside interest groups that helped elect them. That emerging power shift has given Establishment Republicans a new sense of urgency about upcoming primaries, although unlike conservatives, they lack the kind of political infrastructure needed to boost campaigns.
Conservative groups began organizing at the grassroots level much earlier and have become more effective over time at boosting candidates in primary races, advantages conservatives are skeptical that the business community can match in time for the next election.
“They’re upset with the influence conservatives and the Tea Party have had on the way Washington works,” said Dan Holler, spokesman for the conservative group Heritage Action. “But the ability to counter that requires a really coherent and clear message, and that’s going to be a problem for them.”
When you read sentences like “the business community, long aligned with the Republican Party, was not displeased by the outcome of the recent budget fight,” you can conclude there is less here than meets the eye.
Breitbart sounds a bit more hysterical:
On November 5, Defending Main Street, one of the most prominent Republican establishment groups formed with the intent of destroying the Tea Party, will meet with wealthy Wall Street donors to begin building up its war chest before the 2014 midterm elections.
As the Associated Press notes, these Republicans believe the Tea Party has “overstayed their welcome in Washington and should be shown the door in next year’s congressional elections.” Now they are taking action to start raising the money they think will be needed to make that a reality.
“Hopefully we’ll go into eight to 10 races and beat the snot out of them,” former Rep. Steve LaTourette (R-OH), who is running the group aiming “to raise $8 million to fend off tea party challenges,” recently told National Journal. “We’re going to be very aggressive and we’re going to get in their faces.”
Defending Main Street “plans to spend that money on center-right Republicans who face a triumvirate of deep-pocketed conservative groups–Heritage Action, Club for Growth and Freedom Works.”
LaTourette expressed his frustrations to the Associated Press, saying that “40, 42 House members have effectively denied the Republican Party the power of the majority” that it won in the 2010 election. He did not acknowledge that Republicans only won that majority on the strength of Tea Party voters who have now accused some of those elected officials of abandoning the intrests of those who elected them.
Yet, groups like Defending Main Street will seek to rid the party of the candidates whom Tea Party voters enthusiastically support for not being co-opted by the Washington establishment once they were elected. …
The Conservative Victory Project, “an arm of the Karl Rove’s Crossroads super PAC” that formed with the intention of declaring war on conservative and Tea Party candidates, will play a role.
Jonathan Collegio, of the Rove-affiliated American Crossroads, said they will “make every effort to make sure they’re known to every group that spends money long before the primary” if candidates have “skeletons in their closet.” He said they did not want to nominate candidates like Christine O’Donnell in Delaware.
These groups are also working together and reportedly discussing tactics such as “running attack ads against tea party candidates for Congress; overthrowing Ron Paul’s libertarian acolytes dominating the Iowa and Minnesota state parties; promoting open primaries over nominating conventions”; and “countering political juggernauts Heritage Action, the Club for Growth, and FreedomWorks.” …
Groups like Defending Main Street have been courting big-money interests for donations. It remains to be seen whether they will try to fundraise off of small-dollar donations with tactics employed by the National Republican Senatorial Committee this week, which started harnessing the anger of the grassroots with Obamacare by selling “404 Error” stickers for $25 donations. Should groups like LaTourette’s employ similar fundraising tactics, they would effectively be using those small-dollar donations to harm candidates whom the “Main Street” conservative base supports.
For all the talk of ridding the GOP of the Tea Party, though, even the establishment Republicans who are organizing to try to make that happen concede it will be more than a tall order.
To generalize, business interests tend to be pragmatists. The pragmatic politician realizes that politics is the art of the possible — an imperfect deal is better than no deal at all. Regulations on business affect big businesses much less than small businesses, because big businesses have compliance departments and can spread out the costs of regulation on more customers. Banking interests have favored Democrats, not Republicans, for many years. That subset of business called the health insurance industry favors ObamaCare, though it will make doing business in every other line of work more expensive and will take money out of consumers’ pockets.
The tea party (notice I don’t capitalize the term, because there is no single tea party movement organized like a political party) was supposed to be about smaller government. Business should be about smaller government, since taxes and regulation negatively affect business. The business community as a whole doesn’t get involved with social issues; they are economic conservatives, not social conservatives, except personally. (No business person who wants to stay in business goes out of his or her way to offend potential customers.) Where the tea party wanders off into social issues, the tea party loses the support of those who believe the political focus needs to be on the (poor) economy.
This item also does not mention the next big issue that will divide business and some conservatives — immigration. Breitbart adds:
National Journal quotes establishment figures like John Feehery and Rob Jesmer, the former executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee who is now a part of Mark Zuckerberg’s FWD.us group that is spending millions to enact comprehensive immigration reform that the Congressional Budget Office determined would depress the wages of working class Americans. Feehery told National Journal, “This is a battle we have to fight. We can’t just lie down and let this happen.”
The business community is not only more pragmatic about immigration. Businesses have been saying for years that this country needs more H1-B visas, for immigrants of particular skills. Why this country would turn away people with the initiative to leave their home to improve their lives is something difficult to understand. Would they compete against Americans for jobs? Yes, but competition in the country includes the labor market. And were the economy in better shape (see Obama, Barack), labor-market competition would be less of an issue. Recall the 1990s, when businesses competed for employees, instead of workers competing for jobs.
The tea party has taken a more populist position, and therefore a position opposed to more immigration. Stances of exclusion do not grow a political movement. Taking a reflexive anti-immigration and anti-immigrant stance invites immigrants to vote Democratic.